Current Projects
Pakistan’s March toward Democracy
On March 31st, Pakistan parliamentarians from all political shades turned a new page in the country checkered political history, when they all signed the draft of a constitutional reforms– package aimed at cleansing the constitution from various amendments inserted by former dictators Gen.. Ziaul Haq and Gen. Pervez Musharraf. For over nine months, 27 members from both the upper (Senate) and the lower (National Assembly) houses of the Parliament, representing all national and regional political parties as well as independent groups from the semi-autonomous tribal regions (FATA) painstakingly reviewed all the 278 articles of the Constitution, and following a brief hiccup eventually reached a landmark consensus to amend about 100 articles. This consensus will culminate in the form of the 18th amendment and rid the Constitution of the controversial clauses that Gen. Zia (July 1977-Aug 1988) and Gen. Musharraf (Oct 1999´ Aug 2008) had inserted, primarily to strengthen and legitimize their unconstitutional rules. (Both had seized power in coups against elected Prime Ministers). Both the generals held dubious and allegedly rigged referendums to legitimize their rule, followed by general elections in 1985 under Gen. Zia (non-party based elections after a period of nine years of direct military rule) and in 2002 under Gen. Musharraf (party based elections, three years after seizing power). During these military regimes, both Zia and Musharraf emasculated the country Constitution, whereby they took away powers that originally had belonged to the Prime Minister and the Parliament. These powers led to the distortion of the Parliamentary Democratic System of the country, and subjecting the country practically to a 'one man rule' wherein all powers were centered in the office of the President. In1985 the Parliament, elected on a non-party basis, went on to validate Gen. Zia rule through the 8th Amendment. This piece of legislation provided indemnity to all the actions and...
Pakistan's March toward Democracy
On March 31st, Pakistan parliamentarians from all political shades turned a new page in the country checkered political history, when they all signed the draft of a constitutional reforms– package aimed at cleansing the constitution from various amendments inserted by former dictators Gen.. Ziaul Haq and Gen. Pervez Musharraf. For over nine months, 27 members from both the upper (Senate) and the lower (National Assembly) houses of the Parliament, representing all national and regional political parties as well as independent groups from the semi-autonomous tribal regions (FATA) painstakingly reviewed all the 278 articles of the Constitution, and following a brief hiccup eventually reached a landmark consensus to amend about 100 articles. This consensus will culminate in the form of the 18th amendment and rid the Constitution of the controversial clauses that Gen. Zia (July 1977-Aug 1988) and Gen. Musharraf (Oct 1999´ Aug 2008) had inserted, primarily to strengthen and legitimize their unconstitutional rules. (Both had seized power in coups against elected Prime Ministers). Both the generals held dubious and allegedly rigged referendums to legitimize their rule, followed by general elections in 1985 under Gen. Zia (non-party based elections after a period of nine years of direct military rule) and in 2002 under Gen. Musharraf (party based elections, three years after seizing power). During these military regimes, both Zia and Musharraf emasculated the country Constitution, whereby they took away powers that originally had belonged to the Prime Minister and the Parliament. These powers led to the distortion of the Parliamentary Democratic System of the country, and subjecting the country practically to a 'one man rule' wherein all powers were centered in the office of the President. In1985 the Parliament, elected on a non-party basis, went on to validate Gen. Zia rule through the 8th Amendment. This piece of legislation provided indemnity to all the actions and...
Pakistan's March toward Democracy
On March 31st, Pakistan parliamentarians from all political shades turned a new page in the country checkered political history, when they all signed the draft of a constitutional reforms– package aimed at cleansing the constitution from various amendments inserted by former dictators Gen.. Ziaul Haq and Gen. Pervez Musharraf. For over nine months, 27 members from both the upper (Senate) and the lower (National Assembly) houses of the Parliament, representing all national and regional political parties as well as independent groups from the semi-autonomous tribal regions (FATA) painstakingly reviewed all the 278 articles of the Constitution, and following a brief hiccup eventually reached a landmark consensus to amend about 100 articles. This consensus will culminate in the form of the 18th amendment and rid the Constitution of the controversial clauses that Gen. Zia (July 1977-Aug 1988) and Gen. Musharraf (Oct 1999´ Aug 2008) had inserted, primarily to strengthen and legitimize their unconstitutional rules. (Both had seized power in coups against elected Prime Ministers). Both the generals held dubious and allegedly rigged referendums to legitimize their rule, followed by general elections in 1985 under Gen. Zia (non-party based elections after a period of nine years of direct military rule) and in 2002 under Gen. Musharraf (party based elections, three years after seizing power). During these military regimes, both Zia and Musharraf emasculated the country Constitution, whereby they took away powers that originally had belonged to the Prime Minister and the Parliament. These powers led to the distortion of the Parliamentary Democratic System of the country, and subjecting the country practically to a 'one man rule' wherein all powers were centered in the office of the President. In1985 the Parliament, elected on a non-party basis, went on to validate Gen. Zia rule through the 8th Amendment. This piece of legislation provided indemnity to all the actions and...
Analyzing Karzai’s Courting Gulbudin Hekmetyar
Karzai holds talks with Hizb-e-Islami ´ at last: The news on President Hamid Karzai 'preliminary talks' with a delegation of the Hizb-e-Islami, (March 22nd), should be a welcome development in the overall regional context. The HI in fact represents an erstwhile radical Islamist, and a political, force, which very well knows how and when to bend when it comes to talking power or the share in it. Official sources announced that President Karzai met with Qutbuddin Helal, a former deputy prime minister and the current deputy of Gulbadin Hekmetyar, Ameer of HI and one of the most wanted men by the NATO and US-led war coalition in Afghanistan. Brief introduction on Hekmetyar: HI Ameer, Gulbudin Hekmetyar has a history of fighting the foreign occupation forces and the puppet regimes in Kabul for over three decades now. Hekmetyar charmed a whole lot of young Mujahideen in April 1990, when the then defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai, joined him in an abortive coup against Dr. Najibullah. At that point in the history of Afghanistan, HI boasted that the 'final victory ' was just a few hours away but the events then showed, that hour of glory never embraced Hekmetyar. But nevertheless, his charm, charisma and fabled image continued to impress and inspire a whole new generation of Mujahideen. After the fall of Najibullah and entering into Chaharaasiab south of Kabul exactly two years later, Hekmetyar went on to join another socialist, Gen. Rashid Dostum, to take on mujahideen comrades Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmed Shah Masood, until he joined the Mulla Omar-led Taliban. He also had been in regular contacts with Tehran, and had also enjoyed huge privileges once as the 'blue-eyed boy of the Pakistani establishment.' Being an ethnic Pashtoon, Hekmetyar and the likes of him had always been an automatic choice for Pakistan, which had always craved for a friendly government in Kabul. Hekmetyar has reportedly maintained a working relationship with segments of the Pakistani...
Analyzing Karzai's Courting Gulbudin Hekmetyar
Karzai holds talks with Hizb-e-Islami ´ at last: The news on President Hamid Karzai 'preliminary talks' with a delegation of the Hizb-e-Islami, (March 22nd), should be a welcome development in the overall regional context. The HI in fact represents an erstwhile radical Islamist, and a political, force, which very well knows how and when to bend when it comes to talking power or the share in it. Official sources announced that President Karzai met with Qutbuddin Helal, a former deputy prime minister and the current deputy of Gulbadin Hekmetyar, Ameer of HI and one of the most wanted men by the NATO and US-led war coalition in Afghanistan. Brief introduction on Hekmetyar: HI Ameer, Gulbudin Hekmetyar has a history of fighting the foreign occupation forces and the puppet regimes in Kabul for over three decades now. Hekmetyar charmed a whole lot of young Mujahideen in April 1990, when the then defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai, joined him in an abortive coup against Dr. Najibullah. At that point in the history of Afghanistan, HI boasted that the 'final victory ' was just a few hours away but the events then showed, that hour of glory never embraced Hekmetyar. But nevertheless, his charm, charisma and fabled image continued to impress and inspire a whole new generation of Mujahideen. After the fall of Najibullah and entering into Chaharaasiab south of Kabul exactly two years later, Hekmetyar went on to join another socialist, Gen. Rashid Dostum, to take on mujahideen comrades Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmed Shah Masood, until he joined the Mulla Omar-led Taliban. He also had been in regular contacts with Tehran, and had also enjoyed huge privileges once as the 'blue-eyed boy of the Pakistani establishment.' Being an ethnic Pashtoon, Hekmetyar and the likes of him had always been an automatic choice for Pakistan, which had always craved for a friendly government in Kabul. Hekmetyar has reportedly maintained a working relationship with segments of the Pakistani...
Analyzing Karzai's Courting Gulbudin Hekmetyar
Karzai holds talks with Hizb-e-Islami ´ at last: The news on President Hamid Karzai 'preliminary talks' with a delegation of the Hizb-e-Islami, (March 22nd), should be a welcome development in the overall regional context. The HI in fact represents an erstwhile radical Islamist, and a political, force, which very well knows how and when to bend when it comes to talking power or the share in it. Official sources announced that President Karzai met with Qutbuddin Helal, a former deputy prime minister and the current deputy of Gulbadin Hekmetyar, Ameer of HI and one of the most wanted men by the NATO and US-led war coalition in Afghanistan. Brief introduction on Hekmetyar: HI Ameer, Gulbudin Hekmetyar has a history of fighting the foreign occupation forces and the puppet regimes in Kabul for over three decades now. Hekmetyar charmed a whole lot of young Mujahideen in April 1990, when the then defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai, joined him in an abortive coup against Dr. Najibullah. At that point in the history of Afghanistan, HI boasted that the 'final victory ' was just a few hours away but the events then showed, that hour of glory never embraced Hekmetyar. But nevertheless, his charm, charisma and fabled image continued to impress and inspire a whole new generation of Mujahideen. After the fall of Najibullah and entering into Chaharaasiab south of Kabul exactly two years later, Hekmetyar went on to join another socialist, Gen. Rashid Dostum, to take on mujahideen comrades Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmed Shah Masood, until he joined the Mulla Omar-led Taliban. He also had been in regular contacts with Tehran, and had also enjoyed huge privileges once as the 'blue-eyed boy of the Pakistani establishment.' Being an ethnic Pashtoon, Hekmetyar and the likes of him had always been an automatic choice for Pakistan, which had always craved for a friendly government in Kabul. Hekmetyar has reportedly maintained a working relationship with segments of the Pakistani...
Pakistan is a Willing Partner in War on Terror
Since assuming his position as Army Chief from Musharraf in November 2007, Kayani has quietly endeavored to distance himself from his predecessor, relieving Musharraf's allies of sensitive duties and charting a new course in the Army's relationship with the United States. Pakistan is a willing partner now: The U.S. intelligence community has long viewed Pakistan's military with suspicion, due to its ties to the Afghan Taliban. Following the arrest of Mullah Baradar, the Taliban's second in command, that may finally change. Since Oct. 7, 2001, when the first U.S. B-52 bombers began bombarding Taliban installations around Kabul, the United States and its allies have been waiting for Pakistan to demonstrate its sincerity in the war being fought on Afghan soil. The arrest of nine Taliban militants in the Pakistani city of Karachi, including the Afghan Taliban's second in command, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, may indicate a fundamental shift in Pakistan's relations with its allies in Afghanistan. Despite former President Pervez Musharraf's repeated public commitment to the war on terror, the U.S. intelligence community has remained wary of its Pakistani interlocutors -- the military and the mighty Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan's main spy agency -- because of their longstanding complicity with Afghanistan's Taliban factions. Its suspicions kept falling on the ISI for allegedly protecting Afghan Taliban leaders such as Mullah Omar, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, and Sirajuddin Haqqani, the eldest son of veteran Jihadist leader Jalaluddin Haqqani. Taliban main leadership arrested: The arrest of Baradar, known as the Taliban's master strategist, might put an end to some of these rumors. This success was followed by a deluge of arrests of other Taliban and Jihadist leaders, likely on evidence provided by Baradar. These include Ameer Muawiya, an associate of Osama bin Laden responsible for foreign al Qaeda militants in Pakistan's border areas, and Akhunzada Popalzai, also...
Rehabilitate and Rebuild if Peshawar is Saved
A melting pot of intrigues: Peshawar, spread over 2257 sq kms, epitomizes the cost that the Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP) and adjoining Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have paid as a consequence of the war that had originated in the early 1980s when the city became home to countless Afghan refugees, relief organizations, mujahideen commanders and a hot-bed of intelligence activities led by the United States, supported by MI 6 and other European outfits, and facilitated by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. As things stand today in my birth town, there is little doubt left the genesis of the current plight of this crowded city lies in the anti-Soviet Jihad. While the NWFP suffered about 250 incidents of terrorism in 2009, Peshawar bore the brunt of violence; as many as 20 suicide attacks took close to 300 lives, leaving behind a trail of destruction as well as socio-pyscho impact on large sections of the population. Let us consider the two facets of Peshawar predicament ´ resulting from a skewed Jihadist policy that allowed every Tom, Dick and Harry to open and operate shops here, and also from extremely indifferent, self-centered and impulsive ruling elite given only to its transitory interest; political survival and self-enrichment. Peshawar declining: The crowds, chaos and confusion on the roads of Peshawar, the provincial capital with about 3.5 million inhabitants, are living symbols of the helter-skelter (under) development and extremely poor governance that this province has gone through. Even a substantial chunk of the Motorway 1 ´ built to connect Pakistan with Central Asia via Peshawar ´ bears testimony to the neglect and decline that this province has sustained; for miles and miles, the barbed-wire fence on both sides of the M-1 is missing, thus allowing frequent crossings by villagers that dwell on either side of the motorway. For commuters, the absence of the barbed wire means little. But for irregular visitors it is no...
The New Regional Power Play in Afghanistan
The 'Please spare Afghanistan' appeal: During the Pak-Afghan-Iran foreign ministerial conference in Islamabad middle of January, the Afghan foreign minister Rangeen Dafdar Spanta issued a passionate appeal when he said his request to all the neighbors would be to 'please keep Afghanistan out of your bilateral problems. We have already suffered a lot and do not add to those sufferings by fighting your proxy wars on the Afghan soil.' Spanta reference obviously centered on the Indo-Pak and US-Iran rivalries that keep casting ominous shadows on the stabilization efforts in Afghanistan. A top British government functionary also conceded that point recently and urged caution as Pakistan may embark on the path of talks. Balancing Pakistan own national security interests with the need to play an active role in reconciliation with the Taliban, without being seen as imposing its own agenda on the country, amounts to a daunting challenge. The London Conference on January 28 has turned more heat on the diplomacy of Af-Pak. The vow to pursue talks with the 'good Taliban' by driving a division within the Mullah Omar-led insurgency through a multi-million-dollar trust has prompted several questions because the 'reintegration trust' as well as the pursuit of dialogue is likely to further expose the region to multiple selfish competing interests and intrigues of neighboring countries ´ Iran, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, China ´ regional powers like Turkey, India and Russia, plus international players such as the United States and other lead NATO members. Al Qaeda, the stateless entity riding a vague pan-Islamist and anti-American ideology is, of course, the other actor in this area, pitched against most of the regional and international powers ´ the common enemy, so to say, operating out of the Af-Pak region. This essentially means Afghanistan will remain hostage to the whims and wishes of all these actors ´ every one of them proposing its own solutions....
America’s Jihad and “Counter-jihad” in Afghanistan and Pakistan
CIA-USAID-University of Nebraska destroyed Pak-Afghan social fabric…: What happened, in-between 1979-1989, to socio-political fabric of Afghanistan and Pakistan, is a story of shame and pain; the response to the Soviet Union in the 1980s was not confined to the tactical guerilla warfare field only; a massive anti-Russia propaganda campaign was accompanied by efforts to instill the 'spirit of jihad' into the hearts and minds of Afghan children and teenagers alike. Millions of dollars and riyals (Saudi Arabian currency) were spent on the 'jihadisation' of the Afghan primary and middle school curricula. Then, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) commissioned the Center for Afghanistan Studies (CAS), University of Nebraska, Omaha, to review the Afghan curricula and mould it in line with the anti-Russian policy objectives of the US-led jihad. Under a $43 million USAID-financed project, around 4-dozen University of Nebraska faculty and staff members worked overtime to produce more than 15 million textbooks in Pashto and Dari (two primary languages in Afghanistan) for distribution among children, largely living in the refugee camps set up in Pakistan ´ and partially in Iran. Along with a chain of jihadi madrasahs in the Pak-Afghan border regions, the CIA contrived ´ with the active support from the ISI- to harvest a militarized civil society that would furnish physical sustenance in addition to providing ideological support to jihadis raised at madrasahs. …CIA-USAID-University of Nebraska tried to rebuild: Later on, immediately after the Bonn conference in December 2001, members of the coalition against terrorism agreed on a transitional Afghan government, led by Hamid Karzai. With this a new massive socio-economic effort also got underway to help Afghanistan. Reviewing the curricula also constituted the broad list of initiatives meant for 'fixing' the Afghan problem. Once again, the USAID sprung into action and commissioned the...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.