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Pakistan’s Parched Baluchistan Nears Water Crisis

Pakistan’s impoverished southwestern province of Baluchistan is again in the grip of an acute water shortage. This is a recurring problem, but despite years of warnings, critics say the government is doing little. The province, which borders Afghanistan and Iran, is rich in natural gas and mineral resources, but water has long been scarce. With little rainfall, underground aquifers are the main source for drinking, agriculture and livestock. Tens of thousands of legal and illegal tube wells have been draining those reserves. The number of officially authorized tube wells is around 30,000. But there are at least another 30,000 illegal wells. The situation has reached a point where experts say the provincial capital Quetta will run out of water in the next few years without substantial conservation programs that help replenish the groundwater. Geological expert Abdul Razaq Khilji said that until a few years ago in the city of more than three million people, water could be found at about 90 meters deep. Now, water is beyond 365 meters, he says. The expense of digging such deep wells is beyond the reach of most families in the poverty-stricken region. “We are in the mining stage of digging wells and we are using the last aquifer system of the Quetta aquifer system. The central city has run out of underground water,” said Khilji. Farmers already reeling Baluchistan’s orchards are already in crisis, with production falling by more than 70 percent, says Abdur Rehman Bazai, Secretary General of the Baluchistan Farms Growers Association “The scarcity of water forced me to uproot around 7,500 fruit trees from my once profitable orchard and it has now turned it into a piece of barren land,” he added. It has also deprived around 400 families associated with the orchards of their livelihood, and they all have migrated to other areas, Bazai said. As tube wells dry up across the province, people are leaving. Farmers say many are abandoning agricultural businesses and are...

Legal Framework for Trying Terrorists

Following the passage of the 21st Amendment and amendments to the Army Act of 1952, military courts were established for the trial of terrorists/militants. These courts became functional and within weeks convicted and awarded death sentences to six militants. The executions were, however, stayed by the Supreme Court as the matter had become subjudice following a challenge to the 21st Amendment on the basis of the basic structure theory. Various comments have appeared since then for and against this politically unanimous but legally controversial decision. The proponents of the move justify it on the plea that tribunals, like the ones set up after the passage of the 21st Amendment, are envisaged under international humanitarian law (IHL) i.e., the Geneva Conventions 1949. They also argue that Article 245 of the Constitution, read with the amended Army Act, furnish a new framework of trial under the domestic “law of conflict”, as the country is faced with an extraordinary situation — indeed a state of war. Both the standpoints, however, are flawed, with serious implications for constitutional norms, rule of law and due process. Invoking IHL vis-a-vis the conflict in Pakistan is a dangerous proposition because the military operation in Fata cannot be categorised as a war or an armed conflict, as the militants/terrorists neither constitute a state nor a ‘non-state entity’. They do not possess the characteristics of an organised and disciplined force, wearing uniforms, carrying insignia or practising the rules of IHL. It is wrong to categorise Operation Zarb-e-Azb as “the case of armed conflict not of an international character in the territory of one of the High Contracting Parties”, as envisaged by Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. Calling it a war or armed conflict is tantamount to scaling up the operation into a full-fledged international conflict, thereby invoking the application of international law. Having said so, however, our parliamentarians unwisely used...

Drones will Tear us Apart: Pakistani Pop’s War Fixation

PESHAWAR: A lover's eyes compared to a drone strike, a smile to a suicide bomb and lips to fire. The violence of Pakistan's bloody insurgency has been injected into catchy pop lyrics after more than a decade of war against Islamists opposed to all forms of song and dance. Some of the hit songs are regarded as deeply poignant in the country's conservative Pashtun belt — but others are criticised as sensationalist, and accused of capitalising on the brutality. “Come, look straight into my eyes, attack my heart, come destroy everything, come destroy everything,” croons popular singer Rahim Shah in the video to “Shaba Tabahi Oka” (Come On Destroy Everything), as the famous Pashto-language film hero Arbaaz Khan dances. An actress gyrates her hips in response, singing: “Look at me, bomb my heart, come destroy everything.“ Then the hero, jumping, rolling and dancing, replies: “My Laila is carrying bombs in her eyes, you are killing me with your eyes, your lips are on fire — your short top is killing me and your trousers are tight.“ The song, which accompanies the popular 2012 Pashto film “Ghaddar “(Traitor), is still a top hit on video websites such as YouTube and Dailymotion. Pashto is the main language of northwest Pakistan, which has borne the brunt of the country's bloody decade-long battle with homegrown Islamist insurgents — and the focus of the CIA's drone missile campaign against militant commanders. The frequency of the violence people have witnessed in that time has seeped into popular culture, artists say, leaving a sometimes incongruous mark on the region's cultural output. In another Pashto movie, “Da Khkulo Badshahi Da” (Beautiful Are Always Crowned), released in 2014, a wiggling actress sings at the centre of a group of armed men, some clutching bottles of liquor and dancing. “My lips are sugary, I sing sweet songs, my intoxicating look is like a full glass of wine,” she says, before singing the song's title lyric: “I attack with my eyes, as lethal as a...

Drones will Tear us Apart: Pakistani Pop's War Fixation

PESHAWAR: A lover's eyes compared to a drone strike, a smile to a suicide bomb and lips to fire. The violence of Pakistan's bloody insurgency has been injected into catchy pop lyrics after more than a decade of war against Islamists opposed to all forms of song and dance. Some of the hit songs are regarded as deeply poignant in the country's conservative Pashtun belt — but others are criticised as sensationalist, and accused of capitalising on the brutality. “Come, look straight into my eyes, attack my heart, come destroy everything, come destroy everything,” croons popular singer Rahim Shah in the video to “Shaba Tabahi Oka” (Come On Destroy Everything), as the famous Pashto-language film hero Arbaaz Khan dances. An actress gyrates her hips in response, singing: “Look at me, bomb my heart, come destroy everything.“ Then the hero, jumping, rolling and dancing, replies: “My Laila is carrying bombs in her eyes, you are killing me with your eyes, your lips are on fire — your short top is killing me and your trousers are tight.“ The song, which accompanies the popular 2012 Pashto film “Ghaddar “(Traitor), is still a top hit on video websites such as YouTube and Dailymotion. Pashto is the main language of northwest Pakistan, which has borne the brunt of the country's bloody decade-long battle with homegrown Islamist insurgents — and the focus of the CIA's drone missile campaign against militant commanders. The frequency of the violence people have witnessed in that time has seeped into popular culture, artists say, leaving a sometimes incongruous mark on the region's cultural output. In another Pashto movie, “Da Khkulo Badshahi Da” (Beautiful Are Always Crowned), released in 2014, a wiggling actress sings at the centre of a group of armed men, some clutching bottles of liquor and dancing. “My lips are sugary, I sing sweet songs, my intoxicating look is like a full glass of wine,” she says, before singing the song's title lyric: “I attack with my eyes, as lethal as a...

Pains of Peshawar

In the post-9/11 scenario, escalated terrorism and its psychological consequences have become the common characteristics of a host of places, ranging from Peshawar and Kabul to Baghdad. Popular songs like Pa Pekhawar Key Parhar Ma Jorawa/Da Kabul Parhar Jor Shawe Na De (Don’t hurt Peshawar because the wound of Kabul still bleeds) elucidate a tale of dejection and grief. Prior to 9/11, Peshawar had gone through colossal changes as a result of the Soviet-Afghan war. An influx of refugees led to the emergence of slums with the city extending decades’ long hospitality to displaced people. Badhabher, Munda, Kababian, Khazana and Mera Kachuri camps housed 450,000 registered refugees. This demographic explosion badly affected Peshawar’s sociocultural fabric. In 2002, the city had 2.2 million inhabitants. The present estimated population stands at 4.5 million, indicating a growth rate of 3.5 per cent. Peshawar, encircled by the Khyber and Mohmand agencies and Frontier Region Peshawar, has faced the brunt of terrorist incidents. Between 1979 and 2001, it witnessed 311 incidents of terrorism in which 252 civilians were killed. After 9/11, Peshawar emerged as one of the worst-hit cities, with 732 incidents of terrorism resulting in the deaths of 1,451 persons and injuring 3,384. With 381 killings in 2009, Peshawar registered the highest number of casualties ever in a year. Military operations in the adjacent tribal areas have resulted in another wave of internally displaced people entering Peshawar, comprising 72,385 families, including 56,360 and 6,812 from the Khyber and Kurram agencies respectively. This exodus is not only challenging the cultural values of the walled city, but also altering its demographic profile. Coming to the madrassas in the city, there are 243 such establishments in Peshawar in which 32,329 students, including 2,744 foreigners, are enrolled. There are a total of 1,353 schools in Peshawar, including 573 for girls. In comparison, Mansehra has 2,384,...

20 Points to Pakistan?

It's been six months since Pakistan instituted its 20-point National Action Plan. Has Pakistan achieved any of the goals set forth in the Plan? Pakistan instituted the twenty-point National Action Plan (NAP) on Dec. 24, 2014, as a comprehensive, consolidated list of steps needed to be taken by the state and law enforcement institutions to curb terrorism and extremism in the country. For Pakistan to finally take this step, it took a horrendous attack on schoolchildren at the Army Public School in Peshawar that left 141 dead, including 132 children. The first of the 20 points in the NAP was the lifting of the moratorium on the death penalty in Pakistan, which had been in effect since 2009. As of June 23, a total of 176 people — including two who may have been convicted as minors — have been executed in Pakistan since this decision, putting Pakistan on course to match the country with the most number of executions, Iran, which had 289 executions in 2014. (Experts believe thousands are executed in China every year, but since executions are considered a state-secret, no reliable data is available.) For comparison, the United States, which voted against the United Nations’ resolution for a global moratorium on death penalty, executed 17 people within the first six months of 2015. Pakistan’s moratorium is back in effect during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, which will run mid-June through mid-July, but the executions are likely resume after this point. The military courts (#2) were formed within two weeks of the NAP going into effect. On Jan. 5, 2015, the 21st Constitutional Amendment and the Army Act Amendment were unanimously passed, providing the legal and constitutional cover for military courts to prosecute civilians. The intention was to provide speedy prosecution for “jet black” terror suspects — those who have committed violent crimes. The military courts have come under significant criticism for establishing a parallel judiciary system, thereby implying that...

Development of Chabahar Port and the Strategic Turf Wars between Regional Rivals

The landlocked Afghanistan has been using the port of Karachi in Pakistan for its international trade for decades but with the development of the strategically located Chabahar port of Iran, the situation has taken a turn to the disadvantage of Pakistan. Chabahar port is located in the Sistan and Baluchestan Province of Iran, some 72 kilometers west of Pakistan’s Gwadar port. The Chabahar port has dented Pakistan’s centrality to Afghanistan’s external trade and Central Asia as a major portion of its transit business has been lost to Iran and now India. Recently, Afghanistan finalized a tripartite trade agreement with Iran and India on using the Chabahar port as an alternative route, which is expected to increase bilateral trade from $700-800 million to $3 billion. Over the last decade, the Iranians have invested considerably in the development of Chabahar. A 600 kilometer long highway linking Chabahar to Zahidan in Iran’s north, only 240-kilometer from Malik on the Iran-Afghanistan border, is already operational. India has also already spent $100 million on building a 220-kilometer Zaranj-Delaram highway since 2009 in the southwestern Nimroz province of Afghanistan which is 700 kilometer away from southeastern Iran and can be easily extended to be linked to Chabahar. Iran has also started constructing a railway line from Chabahar to Zahidan where it will connect with the Iranian rail network and to Central Asia and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Iran foresees Chabahar Port as an instrument in their policy to evade international isolation and has invested substantial resources to upgrade it with the strategic objective to create an alternative to Bandar Abbas, which is located further west across the state of Hormuz. Iran fears that any blockade of the Straits of Hormuz would create challenges for its trade and commerce activities. The Iranian government has also set up a Free Trade Zone at Chabahar to attract investors where CIS countries and...

Australian Acting High Commissioner visits CRSS- Sabawoon program at Radio Pakistan,Peshawar

The Acting High Commissioner of Australia, H.E Jurek Juszczyk, visited on Monday 29 June, 2015, the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) “Sabawoon” program at the Radio Pakistan office and studios, Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He was welcomed by the CRSS and Radio Pakistan teams, and briefed by Aized Ali, Director Media & Communication, CRSS and Shamsul Qamar, Sabawoon Executive Producer (CRSS). Sabawoon (a pushto language program) meaning ‘New Dawn’ has been a successful CRSS ongoing project since 2011 in partnership with the Radio Pakistan.  The programs are produced and aired five times a week, Monday to Friday, between 3:00 and 4:00 pm, simultaneously from three FM stations of the state-broadcaster - Radio Pakistan – in Peshawar; AM 1170 KHz, FM 101.5 and DI-Khan 711 KHz. The main objective of the programs is to promote liberal, progressive, democratic discourse for de-radicalization in the society, and address radicalized mindset through an alternative narrative embedded in the universally practiced democratic, inclusive values. Other objectives of the shows include:  to empower the women towards their political, economic and social rights; to promote a culture of tolerance and coexistence and to counter the religious extremists’ narrative of exclusion and bigotry; to raise awareness among the youth and women about the benefits of a democratic and developed society by engaging influential people of the areas for a discourse on social, political and development issues impacting their daily lives. The Acting High Commissioner was given an overview of the CRSS initiatives. The CRSS takes pride in being one of the few civil society organizations that took up radio as a means for community-focused strategic communication on issues such as militancy, counter-radicalization, promoting democratic values, harmony, and tolerance all over Pakistan, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. These shows highlight the sanctity of the Federal...

The Role of Human Rights in Counter-Terrorism Strategies

The Global Network for Rights and Development (GNRD) held a side event on June 25, 2015 during the UN Human Rights Council summer session at Geneva, Switzerland. The discussion also looked at the challenges of incorporating the human rights perceptive into national security strategies at a policy level, but also at the tactical level. As well as to address the role of the UN Human Rights Commission and civil society organisations in pursuit of implementing effective safeguard mechanisms.  The title of the event was to explore as to what extent human rights should factor into strategic decision making and counter-terrorism policies. The session was moderated by Dr. Josè Sanmartin, Alicante University, Spain; and addressed by the Syrian intellectual and human rights activist Dr. Haytham Manna and Mr. Imtiaz Gul, Executive Director, CRSS. Both Manna and Gul were given a set of questions to address. Both agreed that geo-politics had given birth to state-sponsored terrorism and extremist movements which have become existential threat to many states and destabilizing for others. They pointed out that terrorism and extremism, coupled with bad governance, had led to marginalization of youth and minority groups in many countries. The increasing marginalization born out of conscious political motives is also preventing real mitigating strategies, they said. At the same time the status quo in countries such as Libya, Syria, Iraq, Egypt is also pushing many young me into radicalization which eventually prompts them to join Al-Qaeda or ISIL. Drone attacks, torture as an instrument of policy, illegal renditions and circumvention of law by setting up detention centers in third countries, they said, also flew in the face of the West's oft-peddled rule of law advocacy, the speakers pointed out. Dr.Manna underlined the need for redefining the social contract in some of the embattled countries and the imperative for connecting the common people with the government through a more...

Now or Never

Recall that famous speech of Altaf Hussain’s in which he exhorted his community to sell their TV sets and buy arms. The MQM was never a political party in the accepted sense of the word. Beneath its surface lurked the spectres of violence and terror. The Taliban, who arrived on the national scene much later, were able to terrorise the tribal areas along the Pak-Afghan border. Altaf Hussain’s success was more spectacular. He terrorised and held in his iron fist Pakistan’s largest city and only port, its commercial and business capital, the exit and entry point of all its exports and imports. For well over three decades he was the unchallenged king – the less charitable would say the don – of Karachi and much of urban Sindh. No martial law could compete with the hold the MQM exercised over the Karachi media – no media house, no TV channel, no newspaper, daring to go against the whims and wishes of this self-proclaimed ‘secular and liberal’ party. Just as in days gone by, newspapers would not name the ISI, much of the national media would refer to the MQM in an oblique and roundabout manner. And when Altaf Hussain got it into his mind to deliver another of his interminable telephonic addresses, he could go on for hours – yes, hours – and his rambling, often punch-drunk discourses would be carried live by all TV channels. This was the extent of his power, and this the glory. Now it hasn’t gone but it is under unprecedented threat, with an ongoing murder investigation and money laundering charges not before a Pakistani court – which would have been easy to settle – but before the London authorities. The MQM also faces internal pressures. The over-touted former mayor of Karachi, Mustafa Kemal, has embraced the safer shoreline of Dubai. The MQM coordinating committee has been shuffled and reshuffled in recent months. And two suspects in the Imran Farooq murder case are in the custody of the authorities, awaiting the recording of their testimony. If all this was not...

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TESTIMONIALS

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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.

Soniya Shams

Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar