Current Projects

The Politics of Opposition: A Challenge to the National Unity Government?

The failure to implement its own agreement and the continuing rift within the National Unity Government has served as a platform for political opposition groups across the spectrum to voice their criticisms of the government. In the past, Afghanistan’s political opposition has been made up of various councils and fronts, often associated with prominent powerbrokers and former government officials. This is still the case, but they have been joined by popular protest movements, such as the Enlightenment Movement. AAN’s Ali Yawar Adili and Lenny Linke (with input from Thomas Ruttig and Obaid Ali) look at who is who in the opposition and how each of them is positioning themselves vis-à-vis the government. In many countries, a healthy political opposition is seen as crucial to keep governments in check and to provide the electorate with a possible future alternative. In Afghanistan, however, political opposition groups have struggled to coalesce around an ideology or shared interests. Rather ‘opposition’ groups have often formed like bubbles in the political churn, rising and falling, functioning as temporary instruments for prominent individuals who wish to maintain their profile, as they sit out periods without government positions hoping for high office again. The 2014 elections, if they had ended with an undisputed winner might have brought that pattern to an end, with the supporters of one strong candidate in government and the supporters of the other in the opposition. The opposite was true. The bitter disputes of the summer of 2014 over who had won resulted in a government of national unity. The government was created under an agreement that divided the country’s political power between the two contenders on the basis of parity – at least on paper (see AAN’s previous reporting. The National Unity Government agreement did, somewhat bizarrely, establish the position of an internal ‘leader of the opposition’ within the executive – seemingly in addition to...

Exhibition for Peace: Peace Murals of Artlords Exhibition held at NCA

On Thursday 20th October 2016 the Zahoor ul Akhlaq Gallery at National College of Arts (NCA), Lahore, held a unique exhibition of works titled “Peace Murals of Artlords, Afghanistan.” The exhibition was a peace initiative between civil society organizations – Artlords and Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) - in joint partnership for this Pakistan-Afghanistan civil society initiative. Mr. Rana Mashhood Ahmad Khan, Minister of Education, Government of Punjab inaugurated the exhibition and was the chief guest. The Minister applauded the efforts of both the civil society organizations to have taken such a unique initiative to promote people-to-people contact. He said Lahore is the cultural hub of Pakistan, and has always taken a lead in promoting art and culture. Mashhood thanked CRSS, and Artlords, as well as the National College of Arts, and the Jang Media Group for partnering together to give the students and faculty of NCA and other art lovers of Lahore the opportunity to promote culture, liberal arts and peace building measures between Pakistan and Afghanistan. He was all praise for the work of the Afghan artists and noted that such artworks depict the message of peace, love, and harmony and also is a strong portrayal of unique and meaningful message against terrorism, war, arms, drugs and warlods, through their artworks. He emphasized the importance of using art and culture to foster peace and brotherhood. Artlords was established in 2014 by its founder, Mr. Omaid Sharifi and consists of artists and volunteers motivated by the desire to bring about a positive social change through the soft power of art and culture as a non-intrusive approach. Mr. Sharifi invited and led the Minster to show reproductive artworks displayed at the gallery, explaining the message of peace and against terrorism behind each artwork. Reproductions of murals executed by artists and volunteers belonging to Artlords lined the walls of the Gallery. A video documentary was...

Book Launched: Pakistan's Democratic Transition: Change and Persistence

About the Book: Politics in Pakistan has traditionally been understood in the context of civil-military relationship. In May 2013, for the first time in history, Pakistan saw an elected government complete a full term in office and transfer power through the ballot box to another civilian government. In view of such an important development, this book offers critical perspectives on Pakistan’s current democratic transition and its implications for national politics, security and foreign policy. It critically analyses the emerging political trends in the country, including their underlying sources, attributes, constraints, and prospects of sustainability. Drawing on history, diverse theoretical perspectives, and empirical evidence, it explains the dynamics of the democratic process, contested borders and spaces, and regionalism. Contributions are from 13 prominent scholars in the field, who provide a wide-ranging analysis of Pakistan’s contemporary national and regional challenges, as well as the opportunities they entail for its viability as a democratic state. Taking the debate on Pakistan beyond the outmoded notions of praetorian politics and security, the book explores the future prospects of civilian supremacy in the country. It will be of interest to students and scholars of South Asian Politics, Political Sociology and Security Studies, as well as policy-makers, diplomats, security experts and military professionals. About the Editors: Ishtiaq Ahmad is Director of the School of Politics and International Relations at Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad, Pakistan. Adnan Rafiq is DPhil candidate at the Department of Politics and International Relations at University of Oxford, UK. The book is now available on Amazon along with other major outlets. click here

Book Launched: Pakistan’s Democratic Transition: Change and Persistence

About the Book: Politics in Pakistan has traditionally been understood in the context of civil-military relationship. In May 2013, for the first time in history, Pakistan saw an elected government complete a full term in office and transfer power through the ballot box to another civilian government. In view of such an important development, this book offers critical perspectives on Pakistan’s current democratic transition and its implications for national politics, security and foreign policy. It critically analyses the emerging political trends in the country, including their underlying sources, attributes, constraints, and prospects of sustainability. Drawing on history, diverse theoretical perspectives, and empirical evidence, it explains the dynamics of the democratic process, contested borders and spaces, and regionalism. Contributions are from 13 prominent scholars in the field, who provide a wide-ranging analysis of Pakistan’s contemporary national and regional challenges, as well as the opportunities they entail for its viability as a democratic state. Taking the debate on Pakistan beyond the outmoded notions of praetorian politics and security, the book explores the future prospects of civilian supremacy in the country. It will be of interest to students and scholars of South Asian Politics, Political Sociology and Security Studies, as well as policy-makers, diplomats, security experts and military professionals. About the Editors: Ishtiaq Ahmad is Director of the School of Politics and International Relations at Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad, Pakistan. Adnan Rafiq is DPhil candidate at the Department of Politics and International Relations at University of Oxford, UK. The book is now available on Amazon along with other major outlets. click here

Pak-Afghan Relations and Reprisals

“Gradual squeeze” is the new phrase Pakistani officials are invoking when responding to questions on what they are doing to blunt the Taliban ability to plan and organise operations inside Afghanistan. Taliban leaders are being told to move families and businesses elsewhere and refrain from cross-border operations. Recent arrests in Balochistan of several Taliban leaders, including Ahmadullah Muti alias Mullah Nanai, Suleman Agha alias Samad Sani, and Mullah Sani appeared to be part of this squeeze, which also prompted three Taliban leaders to rush to Pakistan from Doha, where their political office is located. Taliban were told to close ranks for the peace process and follow the path that the Hezb-e-Islami chose for its peace with Kabul. Sartaj Aziz, the foreign affairs advisor, also believes the peace deal could serve as a good model for other Taliban factions to follow suit as Pakistan presses these factions to focus on talks instead of fighting. But will such statements correct the deep-seated perceptions of the nexus between the Haqqani Network and the Pakistani establishment? Fearful of a possible backlash by the Pakistani Pashtoon-Punjabi militants stalking parts of mainland Pakistan, officials remain extremely careful. They would not want to take on all those denounced by the Afghan government as the “enemies of innocent Afghan women and children.” This begs another big question: if stymied by the fears of a blow-back, will Pakistan still be able to convince Afghan or American officials of its “squeeze on Taliban?” And more importantly, will reiterations of support for the Afghan peace and reconciliation prevent gory attacks such as the one on the Police Academy in Quetta, or the one that left nearly 13 dozen lawyers dead end of June this year in the same town. Probably not, for the simple reason that Pakistan is damned if it does. And it is damned if it doesn’t. Critics disregard the proxy war factor and the pawns that are used in this; the TTP,...

Quetta College Carnage: It's Nothing Else But Tit For Tat

Regardless of how you look at it, central to terrorism in Pakistan and Afghanistan are known instruments of destabilisation and instability i.e. TTP, IS/Daesh, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi al-Alami and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. They are the handy pawns in the proxy war that is currently underway in the region. The only plausible explanation for such termination missions is a tit for tat strategy born out of the perception that Pakistan needs to do more to neutralise and uproot the Haqqani Network. Until Pakistan is seen doing so, its security apparatus is likely to remain under attack – both by the international players as well as by their instruments of terror and instability. The deadly terrorist raid on the New Sariab Police Training College near Quetta, the capital of Pakistan’s Balochsitan province, does not come as a surprise. The attack has so far claimed the lives of 61 security personnel, by far the largest in terms of fatalities among those carried out against Pakistan’s security apparatus. It has been in the offing in view of the excessive bleeding of the number of unusual fatalities among the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) since early this year. The Quetta attack is reminiscent of two attacks within six months (March /October 2009) at the Police Academy at Manawan outside Lahore; typical fidayeen (suicide) termination missions with the objective of inflicting as much damage as possible. The latest blood-spilling can be interpreted in two ways; it’s a strike either by the Pakistani or Uzbek proponents of Daesh i.e. Lashkare Jhangvi or different splinters of the TTP. Or it is a tit for tat, reprisal attack by all those who see Pakistan’s security establishment as the patron and harbourer of the Haqqani Network, which is seen as the major source of unusual attrition within the ANSF; a staggering 3,500 losses until August this year, including nearly 2,000 in July and August alone. Sine early this month, the ANSF losses in Helmand alone have...

Quetta College Carnage: It’s Nothing Else But Tit For Tat

Regardless of how you look at it, central to terrorism in Pakistan and Afghanistan are known instruments of destabilisation and instability i.e. TTP, IS/Daesh, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi al-Alami and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. They are the handy pawns in the proxy war that is currently underway in the region. The only plausible explanation for such termination missions is a tit for tat strategy born out of the perception that Pakistan needs to do more to neutralise and uproot the Haqqani Network. Until Pakistan is seen doing so, its security apparatus is likely to remain under attack – both by the international players as well as by their instruments of terror and instability. The deadly terrorist raid on the New Sariab Police Training College near Quetta, the capital of Pakistan’s Balochsitan province, does not come as a surprise. The attack has so far claimed the lives of 61 security personnel, by far the largest in terms of fatalities among those carried out against Pakistan’s security apparatus. It has been in the offing in view of the excessive bleeding of the number of unusual fatalities among the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) since early this year. The Quetta attack is reminiscent of two attacks within six months (March /October 2009) at the Police Academy at Manawan outside Lahore; typical fidayeen (suicide) termination missions with the objective of inflicting as much damage as possible. The latest blood-spilling can be interpreted in two ways; it’s a strike either by the Pakistani or Uzbek proponents of Daesh i.e. Lashkare Jhangvi or different splinters of the TTP. Or it is a tit for tat, reprisal attack by all those who see Pakistan’s security establishment as the patron and harbourer of the Haqqani Network, which is seen as the major source of unusual attrition within the ANSF; a staggering 3,500 losses until August this year, including nearly 2,000 in July and August alone. Sine early this month, the ANSF losses in Helmand alone have...

Between a Rock and a Hard Place

The deadly terrorist raid on the New Sariab Police Training College near Quetta, the capital of Pakistan’s Balochsitan province does not come as a surprise. It has claimed 60 security personnel, by far the largest in terms of fatalities among those carried out against Pakistan’s security apparatus. It had been in the offing in view of the excessive bleeding of the number of unusual fatalities among the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) since early this year. The Quetta attack is reminiscent of the two attacks in March and October of 2009 at the Police Academy at Manawan outside Lahore; typical suicide missions with the objective of inflicting as much damage as possible. The latest blood-spilling can be interpreted in two ways. First, that it’s a strike either by the Pakistani or Uzbek proponents of Daesh, i.e., Lashkare Jhangvi or different splinters of the TTP. Second, that it is a reprisal attack by all those who see Pakistan’s security establishment as the patron, supporter and harborer of the Haqqani Network, which is seen as the major source of unusual attrition within the ANSF, resulting in a staggering 3,500 losses until August this year, including nearly 2000 in July and August alone. Since early this month, the ANSF losses in Helmand alone have been over 150 with fighting raging in a number of districts and provinces around Helmand. General Nicholson, however, places the blame on both sides. In a brief Q&A NBC TV a day earlier, General John Nicholson, the head of Resolute Support Mission, responded to the question “Is the border with Pakistan secure,” the following way: “It’s still a very porous border region and we do see insurgents moving both ways across the border, some from Afghanistan to Pakistan and then of course the Haqqanis and the Taliban moving from Pakistan into Afghanistan.” To the question whether the Afghan government had any plan to actually secure that border, Nicholson offered this explanation: “The Afghan border police...

Pakistan 'Squeezing' Fugitive Taliban Leaders to Leave or Engage In Afghan Peace Process

Fugitive Afghan Taliban leaders are being increasingly pressured to relocate from Pakistan along with their families and businesses for refusing to join peace talks with Kabul, officials and insurgent sources told VOA in background interviews. “The squeeze is continuing on them [the Taliban] and some have already left, or [are] leaving the country,” says a senior Pakistani official directly involved in matters related to the Afghan policy. He did not want to be named because publicly the government has not yet acknowledged the crackdown, which is part of the policy to seek an early repatriation from Pakistan of nearly three million registered and undocumented Afghan refugees. International pressure Pakistan has been under pressure from international partners, particularly the U.S. to deny space to the Taliban and other groups waging the violent insurgency in Afghanistan. The country denies charges its spy agency’s covertly supports the Taliban and its ally, the Haqqani Network, enabling them to prolong the Afghan war and expand influence of the insurgents after withdrawal of U.S.-led international combat forces. The spike in violence has undermined efforts to improve bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani has repeatedly accused Islamabad of not taking action against fugitive Taliban leaders. In turn, Pakistan alleges Afghan intelligence operatives are sheltering and supporting fugitives linked to the anti-state Pakistani Taliban. Pakistani authorities earlier this month arrested several key Taliban leaders from areas in and around Quetta, the capital of the southwestern Baluchistan province, which borders Afghanistan. The detainees also include Ahmadullah Muti, commonly known as Mullah Nanai, Suleman Agha and Mullah Samad Sani. All three held key positions in the insurgency and were arrested after they ignored requests to hold peace and reconciliation talks with the Afghan government, according to Pakistani and...

Pakistan ‘Squeezing’ Fugitive Taliban Leaders to Leave or Engage In Afghan Peace Process

Fugitive Afghan Taliban leaders are being increasingly pressured to relocate from Pakistan along with their families and businesses for refusing to join peace talks with Kabul, officials and insurgent sources told VOA in background interviews. “The squeeze is continuing on them [the Taliban] and some have already left, or [are] leaving the country,” says a senior Pakistani official directly involved in matters related to the Afghan policy. He did not want to be named because publicly the government has not yet acknowledged the crackdown, which is part of the policy to seek an early repatriation from Pakistan of nearly three million registered and undocumented Afghan refugees. International pressure Pakistan has been under pressure from international partners, particularly the U.S. to deny space to the Taliban and other groups waging the violent insurgency in Afghanistan. The country denies charges its spy agency’s covertly supports the Taliban and its ally, the Haqqani Network, enabling them to prolong the Afghan war and expand influence of the insurgents after withdrawal of U.S.-led international combat forces. The spike in violence has undermined efforts to improve bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani has repeatedly accused Islamabad of not taking action against fugitive Taliban leaders. In turn, Pakistan alleges Afghan intelligence operatives are sheltering and supporting fugitives linked to the anti-state Pakistani Taliban. Pakistani authorities earlier this month arrested several key Taliban leaders from areas in and around Quetta, the capital of the southwestern Baluchistan province, which borders Afghanistan. The detainees also include Ahmadullah Muti, commonly known as Mullah Nanai, Suleman Agha and Mullah Samad Sani. All three held key positions in the insurgency and were arrested after they ignored requests to hold peace and reconciliation talks with the Afghan government, according to Pakistani and...