The Supreme Court was approached to address the issue of exorbitant electricity bills resulting from excessive capacity payments, which affect millions of Pakistanis. Imtiaz Gul prayed the apex court to issue restraining orders, halting all capacity payments and profits to 16 state-owned power sector entities (under federal, provincial, and AJK governments) until a final judgment is rendered on his petition. He further requested that all GoP, provincial, AJK-owned, and related entities be prohibited from charging Return on Equity, Return on Equity during Construction, and Return on Assets/Investments for at least 10 years, until the economy stabilizes and exchange rates and fuel prices decrease. The petition, filed by Gul—Executive Director of the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS)—was submitted under Article 184(3) of the Constitution through his counsel, Anees Jilani. It named the Government of Pakistan through the Secretary of the Ministry of Energy (Power Division), the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) through its Managing Director, and the Central Power Purchasing Agency (Guarantee) Limited (CPPA-G) through its President as respondents. The petitioner questioned how government entities could conduct business in their own country at the expense of consumers and why Independent Power Producers (IPPs) in Pakistan, particularly government companies, should be paid in dollar equivalents. Gul urged the apex court to end the indexation of profits and tariff components with the Dollar, advocating instead for indexation against local inflation. He also requested that data from power plants be collected to recover excess profits earned by IPPs and to renegotiate payment terms with state-run power companies, aligning payments with the rupee. Moreover, he proposed that the National Transmission and Despatch Company (NTDC), owned by the Federal Government, be declared a nonprofit organization, with development projects funded directly by...

The Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) and the Department of Political Science and International Relations (DPSIR) at the University of Management and Technology (UMT), Lahore, have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to establish a strategic partnership aimed at advancing academic and research initiatives. This MoU sets the stage for a wide range of collaborative efforts, including student internships, joint lectures, and knowledge exchange programs. Both institutions plan to collaborate on research projects, co-author publications, share valuable academic resources, and organize joint conferences, and workshops to foster greater academic engagement and dialogue. This collaboration emphasizes the mutual commitment of CRSS and UMT to fostering academic excellence and enriching the existing discourse to address complex challenges through innovation. Together, both institutions seek to empower the next generation of leaders and scholars, advancing knowledge and contributing to societal progress and global peace and stability.  

President of Pakistan Receives Invitation to COP29 in Baku – Congratulates Azerbaijan on Winning the Bid to Host International Conference COP29 will focus on defining new climate finance goals, enhancing emission reduction targets, and evaluating progress. For developing nations like Pakistan and Afghanistan, the summit is a pivotal opportunity to showcase their climate vulnerabilities and secure global support. Moreover, Pakistan can leverage its regional leadership to support Afghanistan's climate adaptation efforts through strategic partnerships. The summit aims to drive stronger commitments and collaborative actions by participating countries for a low-carbon future. On the western shore of the Caspian Sea, in the city of Baku- the world is all set to witness, yet another momentous occasion centered around climate change – COP29. COP (Conference of Parties) is a global convention under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) consisting of nearly 200 countries; all gathered to impart knowledge and negotiate agreements while developing global policies to maintain a healthy biosphere and a sustainable future. The main aim is to prevent harmful human interference with the environment – primarily by stabilizing GFG emissions. For nearly three decades, COP has been a significant annual event, and this year, its 29th annual summit will be hosted in Baku, Azerbaijan from November 11-24, 2024. The newly appointed COP president-designate, Mukhtar Babayev (Azerbaijan’s minister of Ecology and natural resources) has published a letter presenting his incoming presidency vision “to enhance ambition and enable action”. This summit will build upon the momentum of COP28, 2023. However, this year the key focuses are: Defining a new climate finance goal Motivating nations to elevate and upgrade emission reduction goals Assessing progress against existing goals. Additionally, emphasis is being placed on establishing a transparent framework for funding...

Political instability and security concerns have hampered Afghanistan’s capacity to serve as a vital transit centre for trade and energy, yet there are opportunities to leverage its position to strengthen economic relations between Pakistan and Central Asian states for enhanced regional collaboration and sustained investment. Afghanistan has historically served as a crucial link in the ancient Silk Road, facilitating trade between the East and the West. Today, Afghanistan’s geography positions it as a gateway for the resource-rich Central Asian republics to access global markets through Pakistan's warm water ports of Karachi and Gawadar, on the Arabian Sea. The Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) program, established in 2001 to enhance regional integration, has identified Afghanistan as a pivotal player in this process. Specifically, CAREC corridors such as Corridor 5 and Corridor 6 are designed to improve trade routes through Afghanistan, potentially boosting economic ties between Central Asia and Pakistan. However, significant challenges stand in the way of realizing Afghanistan's potential. The infrastructure for the CASA-1000, TUTAP, and TAPI projects under CAREC has largely been completed on the Central Asian side, but construction within Afghanistan has faced significant delays due to the withdrawal of international donors. This stalling affects the progress of these initiatives: the CASA-1000 aims to transport electricity from Central Asia to South Asia, the TUTAP project focuses on improving Afghanistan’s infrastructure to facilitate electricity delivery from Central Asia to Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the TAPI pipeline is designed to transport natural gas from Turkmenistan to Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India.[1] Domestic challenges within Afghanistan are significantly impeding efforts to establish reliable regional connectivity. Since NATO's withdrawal in 2022, the country has faced ongoing insurgent attacks, political instability, and...

In his paper for the Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF), Imtiaz Gul, the Executive Director of the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), provides a comprehensive exploration of Pakistan's policy shifts towards Afghanistan following the Taliban's takeover in August 2021. The analysis sheds light on the growing security threats posed by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the challenges these developments create for Pakistan-Afghanistan relations. Gul also addresses the broader regional context, emphasizing the importance of pragmatic diplomatic efforts and humanitarian interventions to mitigate the crises facing Afghanistan. This paper offers valuable insights for policymakers, academics, and anyone interested in the evolving dynamics between Pakistan and Afghanistan and the wider implications for the region. Read more: https://www.freiheit.org/de/pakistan/pakistan-und-afghanistan

Warmongers and rumour mills, it seems, are working overtime to convince their electorate in Europe and the US of the august nature of their support for Israel and Ukraine. In essence their statements on Ukraine and Israel betray the double-faced exceptionalism that stems from their national and block interests. Truth and letigimate interests of smaller nations become the direct victim of such geopolitical endeavours - often at the cost of individual nations' sovereignty. The latter stands compromised when most developing nations begin suffering the consequences of the reckless and self-serving governance by the ruling elites. Invariably, these nations increasingly become dependent on aid, handouts and loans via the IMF and World Bank. These tools simply ensnare the countries - mostly in the South - into a dependence syndrome and thus deprives them of independent decision-making. Pakistan's nearly total reliance on IMF loans and the goodwill of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and China for survival is a case in point. It represents a living example of a member of the Global South sandwiched between the interests of the US-led West on the one hand and those of China and Russia on the other. Ukraine represents another extreme. Being a beneficiary of NATO's love, it is acting now as a willing instrument of geopolitics, trying to enlist the states of the Global South for an anti-Russian partnership and thus enforce a geopolitical shift. This effort includes initiatives such as peace summits, multilateral and bilateral dialogues and extensive media campaigns to pave the way in favour of Kiev's "peace process" that is also meant to extract ever more financial resources from Western capitals. Let us not forget that former American president Donald Trump had publicly dubbed Ukraine as "the third most corrupt country in the world". "Why should we give money to a country that's known corrupt? It's a very corrupt country. I mean, I love the people in Ukraine. I know Ukrainian people....

Three years of Taliban rule reveal a fragile peace overshadowed by severe human rights restrictions, especially for women and girls. As Afghanistan faces deep economic and social challenges, critical questions arise about the international community's role and future engagement. August 2024 marks three years since the Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan, a milestone that brings with it mixed emotions and a complex legacy. The Taliban's takeover in August 2021 was swift and decisive, a moment that abruptly ended two decades of U.S. and NATO intervention in the country. Since then, the group has struggled to maintain its grip on power, balancing the implementation of its strict interpretation of Islam with the pragmatic demands of governance. As the Taliban celebrate their "victory" with military parades and symbolic gestures, the world watches closely, torn between the harsh realities of the regime's rule and the fragile hopes for Afghanistan's future. One of the most glaring aspects of Taliban rule has been the deterioration of rights and freedoms, particularly for women and girls. Afghanistan's current government is arguably the most discriminatory in the world when it comes to gender, imposing draconian restrictions that have effectively erased women from public life. Bans on education, employment, and even leisure activities for women reflect a deeply entrenched system of gender apartheid. This regression has not only limited the opportunities for half the population but has also diminished the overall potential for Afghanistan's development. The silence that has descended on Afghanistan's political scene is equally troubling. The once vibrant and chaotic political landscape, characterized by intense competition and occasional violence, has given way to a one-party state. The Taliban's intolerance of dissent has driven many former politicians, journalists, and activists into exile or forced them into silence. The stifling of political and media freedoms...