Introduction The bilateral relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan is characterized by a complex interplay of security concerns, economic dependencies, and public sentiment. Both nations face significant challenges and opportunities in their interactions, shaped by historical context and current events. This explainer provides an overview of the current key issues impacting their ties, with a focus on recent disruptions and the broader implications for regional stability. Security Cooperation and Public Sentiment Afghanistan is eager to enhance cooperation with Pakistan, particularly in security matters, to prevent border clashes. However, there is a strong call from Afghanistan for Pakistan to adopt a more structured approach, with better planning and advance communication to avoid sudden actions that lead to confusion and instability. This proactive stance is crucial for fostering a stable and cooperative relationship. Public sentiment in Afghanistan is also a factor. Although the Afghan people generally hold Pakistan in high regard and are interested in visiting or using it as a transit point to other countries, their experiences at border crossings and airports have been increasingly negative. Reports of indecent behavior and bribery by officials are straining bilateral relations. While Afghan authorities acknowledge that these issues often result from individual corruption, the public perception is that such obstacles are part of a broader, deliberate policy by Pakistan. This growing perception adds strain to the relationship. Conversely, Pakistan views Afghanistan as a critical partner in addressing regional security issues, particularly concerning terrorism. Despite its own security concerns regarding Afghanistan, Pakistan seeks to maintain a cooperative relationship with Afghanistan. It has stressed on numerous occasions the importance of continued dialogue and collaboration to enhance regional stability and address cross-border terrorism. Economic...

by Engineer Arshad Abbasi Pakistan today is facing a literal financial existential threat, largely because of a dated model of governance, lorded over by shortsighted politicians and self-serving bureaucrats. In my policy brief, "Coal-fired Power Generation in Pakistan: A Policy Paper," published on May 2, 2014, in JSTOR, a reputable electronic archive of leading journals, I had warned against the adoption of inefficient coal-fired power plants being commissioned those days. This research was subsequently recognized by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change's implementation arm, CTCN, and added to Princeton University's database, a top-ranked global institution. These warnings fell on deaf ears and the government proceeded with purchasing outdated technology from China under CPEC, ignoring the recommendations for ultra-supercritical technology. The consequences are stark: in 2022-23, Pakistan paid a staggering Rs 177 billion in capacity payments for three coal power projects, highlighting the massive financial cost of this decision. Now GOP has to pay 531 billion Capacity Payment in this year. The grafs below, for example, explains the capacity payments to  power plants being run on imported coal between 2022-2024. Paper published in A policy brief published in JSTOR, a reputable academic platform (https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep00591) Recognized by CTCN, the implementation arm of the UNFCCC- UN https://www.ctc-n.org/resources/coal-fired-power-generation-pakistan-policy-paper Added to Princeton University's database, a top-ranked global institution (. https://dataspace.princeton.edu/handle/88435/dsp012514nn86g) Given the overwhelming evidence and credible data, some of the  ruling families  may face accountability in the International Criminal Court (ICC) under clause 4 for their role in perpetuating a flawed energy policy, prioritizing personal gain over public interest. By ignoring expert recommendations and purchasing outdated technology,...

by Imtiaz Gul The Twelfth of February by Rhonda Gossen – a former Canadian diplomat and academic - offers a fascinating study of the origins of women’s struggle against socio-political injustices in Pakistan. Browsing the book takes you on a journey back to the early and mid-80s when General Zia ul Haq lorded over Pakistan with an iron hand. The nascent Women Action Forum (WAF) and the Human Rights Commission stood up to brutal days of dictatorship when - led by (late) Asma Jehangir, Hina Jeelani and Shehla Zia, Fareeda Shaheed inter alia - these brave women rose to challenge the cunningly disguised religiously-disguised oppression Zia had launched. Although the book recounts the Canadian contribution to the cause of women’s rights in Pakistan, it encapsulates the critical phases of women’s movements in the country, tracing critical events including the street protests that began with the introduction by the brutal dictator of the draconian Law of Evidence. The book draws its title - 12 February - from the protests by WAF and the Punjab Women Lawyers Association in 1983 against the Law of Evidence and other discriminatory laws introduced at the time. This uprising for rights on 12 February 1983 thus remains a milestone in the evolution of women empowerment in Pakistan. It also laid the foundation of a movement that over the years has seen either new laws or improvements in laws related to the status of women, though the Zia-era legislation such as the Law of Evidence or Qisas Ordinance still exists. While recounting how Canada helped women-focused initiatives to improve their lot, it also recalls how the country helped Pakistan establish its first nuclear power plant in 1965. The famous Warsak Dam on the Kabul River is Canada’s legacy infrastructure project in Pakistan. However, Canadian support for women’s rights, gender equality, and civil society began in 1983 with assistance to women in development through the Aga Khan Rural Support Program. The book is...

The OIC's recent meeting highlighted a pivotal challenge: balancing the necessity of political engagement with the Taliban against the moral imperative to stand against its systemic abuse of women’s rights The 50th session of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Council of Foreign Ministers, held on August 29-30, 2024, in Cameroon, became a focal point for discussions on a range of pressing global issues. Alongside the Palestinian issue and the Middle East peace process, the developments in Afghanistan were also discussed. These included its security, humanitarian and economic challenges including efforts to combat terrorism and drug trafficking. Taliban’s current decisions on girls’ education and women’s employment were also reviewed, which drew significant attention. The session was attended by a Taliban delegation, led by their acting Foreign Minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi. During his meeting with Tarig Ali Bakheet, the Assistant Secretary-General of the OIC, the latter reiterated the need for the Taliban to reconsider its stance on women’s education and employment.[1] The Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 has drastically altered the lives of millions of Afghans, particularly women and girls. Since then, the regime has imposed harsh restrictions, including bans on girls’ education and limitations on women’s participation in the workforce. The OIC has consistently called on the Taliban to reverse these decisions, urging the group to uphold basic human rights, especially the rights of women. Despite these diplomatic engagements, the Taliban’s approach to governance continues to raise concerns. A new set of laws was introduced by the Taliban on August 21, claiming that they were encouraging virtue and preventing vice. These laws, contained within a 114-page document, impose severe restrictions on the daily lives of Afghans, with a particular focus on controlling the behavior of women. The regulations mandate that women must cover their entire bodies...

The Supreme Court was approached to address the issue of exorbitant electricity bills resulting from excessive capacity payments, which affect millions of Pakistanis. Imtiaz Gul prayed the apex court to issue restraining orders, halting all capacity payments and profits to 16 state-owned power sector entities (under federal, provincial, and AJK governments) until a final judgment is rendered on his petition. He further requested that all GoP, provincial, AJK-owned, and related entities be prohibited from charging Return on Equity, Return on Equity during Construction, and Return on Assets/Investments for at least 10 years, until the economy stabilizes and exchange rates and fuel prices decrease. The petition, filed by Gul—Executive Director of the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS)—was submitted under Article 184(3) of the Constitution through his counsel, Anees Jilani. It named the Government of Pakistan through the Secretary of the Ministry of Energy (Power Division), the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) through its Managing Director, and the Central Power Purchasing Agency (Guarantee) Limited (CPPA-G) through its President as respondents. The petitioner questioned how government entities could conduct business in their own country at the expense of consumers and why Independent Power Producers (IPPs) in Pakistan, particularly government companies, should be paid in dollar equivalents. Gul urged the apex court to end the indexation of profits and tariff components with the Dollar, advocating instead for indexation against local inflation. He also requested that data from power plants be collected to recover excess profits earned by IPPs and to renegotiate payment terms with state-run power companies, aligning payments with the rupee. Moreover, he proposed that the National Transmission and Despatch Company (NTDC), owned by the Federal Government, be declared a nonprofit organization, with development projects funded directly by...

The Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) and the Department of Political Science and International Relations (DPSIR) at the University of Management and Technology (UMT), Lahore, have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to establish a strategic partnership aimed at advancing academic and research initiatives. This MoU sets the stage for a wide range of collaborative efforts, including student internships, joint lectures, and knowledge exchange programs. Both institutions plan to collaborate on research projects, co-author publications, share valuable academic resources, and organize joint conferences, and workshops to foster greater academic engagement and dialogue. This collaboration emphasizes the mutual commitment of CRSS and UMT to fostering academic excellence and enriching the existing discourse to address complex challenges through innovation. Together, both institutions seek to empower the next generation of leaders and scholars, advancing knowledge and contributing to societal progress and global peace and stability.  

President of Pakistan Receives Invitation to COP29 in Baku – Congratulates Azerbaijan on Winning the Bid to Host International Conference COP29 will focus on defining new climate finance goals, enhancing emission reduction targets, and evaluating progress. For developing nations like Pakistan and Afghanistan, the summit is a pivotal opportunity to showcase their climate vulnerabilities and secure global support. Moreover, Pakistan can leverage its regional leadership to support Afghanistan's climate adaptation efforts through strategic partnerships. The summit aims to drive stronger commitments and collaborative actions by participating countries for a low-carbon future. On the western shore of the Caspian Sea, in the city of Baku- the world is all set to witness, yet another momentous occasion centered around climate change – COP29. COP (Conference of Parties) is a global convention under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) consisting of nearly 200 countries; all gathered to impart knowledge and negotiate agreements while developing global policies to maintain a healthy biosphere and a sustainable future. The main aim is to prevent harmful human interference with the environment – primarily by stabilizing GFG emissions. For nearly three decades, COP has been a significant annual event, and this year, its 29th annual summit will be hosted in Baku, Azerbaijan from November 11-24, 2024. The newly appointed COP president-designate, Mukhtar Babayev (Azerbaijan’s minister of Ecology and natural resources) has published a letter presenting his incoming presidency vision “to enhance ambition and enable action”. This summit will build upon the momentum of COP28, 2023. However, this year the key focuses are: Defining a new climate finance goal Motivating nations to elevate and upgrade emission reduction goals Assessing progress against existing goals. Additionally, emphasis is being placed on establishing a transparent framework for funding...

Political instability and security concerns have hampered Afghanistan’s capacity to serve as a vital transit centre for trade and energy, yet there are opportunities to leverage its position to strengthen economic relations between Pakistan and Central Asian states for enhanced regional collaboration and sustained investment. Afghanistan has historically served as a crucial link in the ancient Silk Road, facilitating trade between the East and the West. Today, Afghanistan’s geography positions it as a gateway for the resource-rich Central Asian republics to access global markets through Pakistan's warm water ports of Karachi and Gawadar, on the Arabian Sea. The Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) program, established in 2001 to enhance regional integration, has identified Afghanistan as a pivotal player in this process. Specifically, CAREC corridors such as Corridor 5 and Corridor 6 are designed to improve trade routes through Afghanistan, potentially boosting economic ties between Central Asia and Pakistan. However, significant challenges stand in the way of realizing Afghanistan's potential. The infrastructure for the CASA-1000, TUTAP, and TAPI projects under CAREC has largely been completed on the Central Asian side, but construction within Afghanistan has faced significant delays due to the withdrawal of international donors. This stalling affects the progress of these initiatives: the CASA-1000 aims to transport electricity from Central Asia to South Asia, the TUTAP project focuses on improving Afghanistan’s infrastructure to facilitate electricity delivery from Central Asia to Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the TAPI pipeline is designed to transport natural gas from Turkmenistan to Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India.[1] Domestic challenges within Afghanistan are significantly impeding efforts to establish reliable regional connectivity. Since NATO's withdrawal in 2022, the country has faced ongoing insurgent attacks, political instability, and...