By Elsa Imdad Afghanistan, often associated with conflict and political instability, is facing a different yet equally devastating crisis: its extreme vulnerability to natural and climatic disasters. Ranked as the second most disaster-prone country in the world, only behind Haiti, Afghanistan's susceptibility to hazards like floods, earthquakes, and droughts is exacerbated by climate change and environmental degradation. While global focus often centres on Afghanistan's security challenges, its growing climate vulnerability presents an urgent and often overlooked threat to its stability and future. A Nation at the Mercy of Nature Out of every one million Afghans, 1,150 die each year due to various natural disasters. These figures reflect not only a tragic loss of life but also extensive economic damages that deepen poverty, especially in rural and vulnerable communities. While the human cost is heart-wrenching, the socioeconomic toll—destroyed infrastructure, displacement, and economic paralysis—amplifies the suffering. Poorer regions, already struggling with the basic necessities of life, experience twice the impact of natural disasters compared to wealthier areas. Flooding: A Recurring Catastrophe Flooding remains Afghanistan’s most frequent natural disaster, affecting over 100,000 people annually. Climate change, alongside population growth, is expected to increase this number drastically by 2050. Regions such as Kabul, Hairatan, and the Helmand Basin are particularly vulnerable to flooding due to their proximity to rivers, which are primarily fed by melting glaciers and seasonal snowmelt from mountain ranges. Recent events illustrate the devastating impact of floods. In May 2024, severe flooding in eastern Afghanistan claimed 40 lives, injured 350 people, and displaced 1,500 children. With significant infrastructure damage in areas like Nangarhar and Kunar, the country faces an uphill battle in rebuilding. Earthquakes: A Constant Threat Afghanistan lies in a...

The branding of TTP as modern Khawarij reflects Pakistan’s broader counterterrorism strategy: ideologically deligitimizing the “mischief making group” while simultaneously tackling them by force. In a notable shift, the Pakistani government has officially designated the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as “Fitna al-Khawarij.” This decision marks a shift from addressing the group’s threat purely through military means to engaging in an ideological battle. The Ministry of Interior issued a notification requiring all state institutions to prefix the term "Khariji" to the names of individuals involved in terrorist activities. This aims to expose the distorted ideology of such groups that misuse religion to justify their violence. Additionally, titles like 'Mufti' and 'Hafiz' will no longer be associated with individuals linked to terrorism. This strategic move, as terrorist attacks intensify, underscores the government’s efforts to discredit and undermine extremist elements, emphasizing that they have no genuine connection to Islam or Pakistan. [1] The term "Kharijites" refers to early Muslim groups who broke away from mainstream Islam. Known as "the secessionists”, they separated themselves from both the Shiʿites and the early Sunni communities. Initially, they supported Ali (the fourth caliph) during the first major Islamic civil war, or first fitna. However, dissatisfaction with Ali's decision to settle a dispute through arbitration led some followers to leave his army and form their own group, thus becoming the first Kharijites. [2] Though a historical phenomenon, the radical mindset of the Khawarij persists even today. They were known for their extreme and rigid stance against corruption, injustice, and violations of Islamic law, believing that only those who meet specific criteria of justice and competence should lead the Muslim community. Their stringent views often led them to adopt controversial and unacceptable measures, including violence and...

Introduction The bilateral relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan is characterized by a complex interplay of security concerns, economic dependencies, and public sentiment. Both nations face significant challenges and opportunities in their interactions, shaped by historical context and current events. This explainer provides an overview of the current key issues impacting their ties, with a focus on recent disruptions and the broader implications for regional stability. Security Cooperation and Public Sentiment Afghanistan is eager to enhance cooperation with Pakistan, particularly in security matters, to prevent border clashes. However, there is a strong call from Afghanistan for Pakistan to adopt a more structured approach, with better planning and advance communication to avoid sudden actions that lead to confusion and instability. This proactive stance is crucial for fostering a stable and cooperative relationship. Public sentiment in Afghanistan is also a factor. Although the Afghan people generally hold Pakistan in high regard and are interested in visiting or using it as a transit point to other countries, their experiences at border crossings and airports have been increasingly negative. Reports of indecent behavior and bribery by officials are straining bilateral relations. While Afghan authorities acknowledge that these issues often result from individual corruption, the public perception is that such obstacles are part of a broader, deliberate policy by Pakistan. This growing perception adds strain to the relationship. Conversely, Pakistan views Afghanistan as a critical partner in addressing regional security issues, particularly concerning terrorism. Despite its own security concerns regarding Afghanistan, Pakistan seeks to maintain a cooperative relationship with Afghanistan. It has stressed on numerous occasions the importance of continued dialogue and collaboration to enhance regional stability and address cross-border terrorism. Economic...

by Engineer Arshad Abbasi Pakistan today is facing a literal financial existential threat, largely because of a dated model of governance, lorded over by shortsighted politicians and self-serving bureaucrats. In my policy brief, "Coal-fired Power Generation in Pakistan: A Policy Paper," published on May 2, 2014, in JSTOR, a reputable electronic archive of leading journals, I had warned against the adoption of inefficient coal-fired power plants being commissioned those days. This research was subsequently recognized by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change's implementation arm, CTCN, and added to Princeton University's database, a top-ranked global institution. These warnings fell on deaf ears and the government proceeded with purchasing outdated technology from China under CPEC, ignoring the recommendations for ultra-supercritical technology. The consequences are stark: in 2022-23, Pakistan paid a staggering Rs 177 billion in capacity payments for three coal power projects, highlighting the massive financial cost of this decision. Now GOP has to pay 531 billion Capacity Payment in this year. The grafs below, for example, explains the capacity payments to  power plants being run on imported coal between 2022-2024. Paper published in A policy brief published in JSTOR, a reputable academic platform (https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep00591) Recognized by CTCN, the implementation arm of the UNFCCC- UN https://www.ctc-n.org/resources/coal-fired-power-generation-pakistan-policy-paper Added to Princeton University's database, a top-ranked global institution (. https://dataspace.princeton.edu/handle/88435/dsp012514nn86g) Given the overwhelming evidence and credible data, some of the  ruling families  may face accountability in the International Criminal Court (ICC) under clause 4 for their role in perpetuating a flawed energy policy, prioritizing personal gain over public interest. By ignoring expert recommendations and purchasing outdated technology,...

by Imtiaz Gul The Twelfth of February by Rhonda Gossen – a former Canadian diplomat and academic - offers a fascinating study of the origins of women’s struggle against socio-political injustices in Pakistan. Browsing the book takes you on a journey back to the early and mid-80s when General Zia ul Haq lorded over Pakistan with an iron hand. The nascent Women Action Forum (WAF) and the Human Rights Commission stood up to brutal days of dictatorship when - led by (late) Asma Jehangir, Hina Jeelani and Shehla Zia, Fareeda Shaheed inter alia - these brave women rose to challenge the cunningly disguised religiously-disguised oppression Zia had launched. Although the book recounts the Canadian contribution to the cause of women’s rights in Pakistan, it encapsulates the critical phases of women’s movements in the country, tracing critical events including the street protests that began with the introduction by the brutal dictator of the draconian Law of Evidence. The book draws its title - 12 February - from the protests by WAF and the Punjab Women Lawyers Association in 1983 against the Law of Evidence and other discriminatory laws introduced at the time. This uprising for rights on 12 February 1983 thus remains a milestone in the evolution of women empowerment in Pakistan. It also laid the foundation of a movement that over the years has seen either new laws or improvements in laws related to the status of women, though the Zia-era legislation such as the Law of Evidence or Qisas Ordinance still exists. While recounting how Canada helped women-focused initiatives to improve their lot, it also recalls how the country helped Pakistan establish its first nuclear power plant in 1965. The famous Warsak Dam on the Kabul River is Canada’s legacy infrastructure project in Pakistan. However, Canadian support for women’s rights, gender equality, and civil society began in 1983 with assistance to women in development through the Aga Khan Rural Support Program. The book is...

The OIC's recent meeting highlighted a pivotal challenge: balancing the necessity of political engagement with the Taliban against the moral imperative to stand against its systemic abuse of women’s rights The 50th session of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Council of Foreign Ministers, held on August 29-30, 2024, in Cameroon, became a focal point for discussions on a range of pressing global issues. Alongside the Palestinian issue and the Middle East peace process, the developments in Afghanistan were also discussed. These included its security, humanitarian and economic challenges including efforts to combat terrorism and drug trafficking. Taliban’s current decisions on girls’ education and women’s employment were also reviewed, which drew significant attention. The session was attended by a Taliban delegation, led by their acting Foreign Minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi. During his meeting with Tarig Ali Bakheet, the Assistant Secretary-General of the OIC, the latter reiterated the need for the Taliban to reconsider its stance on women’s education and employment.[1] The Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 has drastically altered the lives of millions of Afghans, particularly women and girls. Since then, the regime has imposed harsh restrictions, including bans on girls’ education and limitations on women’s participation in the workforce. The OIC has consistently called on the Taliban to reverse these decisions, urging the group to uphold basic human rights, especially the rights of women. Despite these diplomatic engagements, the Taliban’s approach to governance continues to raise concerns. A new set of laws was introduced by the Taliban on August 21, claiming that they were encouraging virtue and preventing vice. These laws, contained within a 114-page document, impose severe restrictions on the daily lives of Afghans, with a particular focus on controlling the behavior of women. The regulations mandate that women must cover their entire bodies...