Pakistan’s area-wise largest southwestern Balochistan has been in the grip of a bloody secessionist, ethnic Baloch-led insurgency for decades. The latest insurgency began in August 2006 with the mysterious killing of a tribal chief and former governor Nawab Akbar Bugti. This sparked a new cycle of insurgency that continues to date and has claimed hundreds of lives. Nationalist separatists have also been warning political parties and people at large to stay away from the May 11 elections.

The province which was known to the world for its nautral resources today faces a ruthless insurgency, compounded by an abysmal governance and an extremely indifferent civilian and military ruling elite now a days. The breakdown of law and order in the province amounted to
ultimate failure of the provincial government which, according to an October 2012 ruling by the apex Supreme Court, had lost ‘constitutional authority’ to continue. Balochistan has also seen a systematic terror campaing targetting shia-Hazara Muslim community, resulting in deaths of hundreds of innocent shia Muslims.

General Introduction to Balochistan

The population of Pakistan area-wise largest province stands at slightly over 13 Million (according to 2011 estimates, daily The News, April 05, 2012).

Reeling from a security crisis and plagued by misgovernance, Balochistan currently faces multiple socio-political challenges. Decades of socio-political neglect, economic injustices, under-development and the tribal make-up of the society has turned it into Pakistan ‘soft belly’ ´ reeling from the consequences of a raging Baloch insurgency ( both subversion of utility infrastructure as well as kill and dump pro-government Baloch leaders, the military brutal response to it (kill and dump) , wave of anti-shia sectarian violence (that spiked in 2012 with hundreds of target-killings), abysmal mis-governance and rampant crime under political patronage. The apex Court, in an October 2012 ruling on the Law and Order situation in Balochistan, also touched on these issues and declared that the breakdown of law and order in the province amounted to gross failure of the provincial government and that it had lost ‘constitutional authority’ to continue.

Demography: Baloch Majority Districts:

1- Bolan

2- Sibbi

3- Kacchi

4- Dera Bugti

5- Kohlu

6- Nasserabad

7- Jaffarabad

8- Jhal Magsi

9- Mastung,

10- Kalat

11- Nushki

12- Chaghi

13- Awaran

14- Washik

15- Kharan

16- Khuzdar

17- Lasbela

18- Panjgur

19- Gawadar

20- Kech

21- Barkhan

Quetta, the provincial capital, is almost equally divided between Baloch and Pashtoon populations.

Pashtoon Majority Districts

1-Qilla Abdullah

2-Pishin

3- Ziarat

4- Qilla Saifullah

5-Loralai

6-Musakhel

7- Zhob

8- Sherani

Baloch Insurgency

At the heart of the security crisis are Baloch nationalist/separatist groups, vying for an independent Balochistan. Their demand stems from decades of neglect and denial of socio-economic and political rights by the Centre ´ synonymous with the civilian ruling elite and the mighty military. The resultant clash between the separatists and the Centre has sunken the province in to a black security hole.

As of early 2013, some 21 of Balochistan 30 districts are ethnically Baloch dominated. The common man ´ Baloch, ethnic Hazara (a shia Muslim community), and non-Baloch settler – is sandwiched between the tribal chief (Nawab, Sardar, Mir) the separatist militants, and the government. Certain regions in Central Balochistan ´ Khuzdar, Lasbela, Wadh, Chaghi, Mastung, and Kohlu epitomize the intensity of the Baloch insurgency, which has triggered a wave of exodus, particularly of non-Baloch people. Settlers ´ mostly ethnic Sindhis, Punjabis, and the Urdu-speaking immigrants have left. All five military operations including the ongoing army activities were also conducted in the same regions, where inhabitants largely belong to the immensely populated Marri tribe.

Between Januarys -November 13, 2012, some 727 persons lost their lives in at least 416 incidents of violence across the province. As many as 33 sectarian attacks were recorded during this period, leaving 69 persons dead and almost 95 percent of those killed were Shia Hazaras. Abduction for ransom also soared during this period, wherein 52 persons were kidnapped around the province. Meanwhile, the recovery of dead bodies continues to plague the province and 92 dead bodies were recovered so far. Target-killing, the most lethal weapon of the nationalist-separatists, resulted in the killing of 224 persons in the province ´ most of this violence occurred in provincial capital Quetta, Zhob, Khuzdar, Gwadar, Bugti and Kohlu districts.

Sectarian Violence

A relatively recent alarming addition to the drivers of violence is the menace of sectarianism. Widespread human rightsabuses committed by the Al-Qaeda-linked, and rapidly anti-Shia Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) outfit is at the centre of this sectarian frenzy, which has largely targeted the minority Shia population, particularly the ethnic Hazaras, who essentially are immigrants from Afghanistan. According to certain reports, over 800 Hazaras have been killed in 24 incidents of mass-murder and 131 targeted ambushes since 2001. There is an Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda link to the Shia massacres in Balochistan. The bloodshed of the Afghan Taliban had led tens of thousands of Hazaras in Afghanistan during their rule. Hazaras in Afghanistan continue to be a part of the so-called Northern Alliance which resisted Taliban. What is, however, clear is that Hazaras– ideological links with Iran ´ shiaism ´has turned them into the target of some of Pakistani militant groups.

Conspiracy Theory on the US Role in Violence

In addition to the usual blame for violence on Baloch separatist groups, the LeJ and the security apparatus led by the Frontier Corps (FC), a possible US role in the simmering violence also adds spice to the debate on causes of Balochistan instability. While operating in Balochistan this dimension of the provincial dynamics needs to be kept in mind.

Many Pakistani nationalists as well as the security agencies would have most Pakistanis believe that the surge in violence is because of the American support for Baloch separatist outfits. Moreover, many Baloch and Pashtoon leaders in Quetta suspect an American hand through the radical Sunni outfit Jundullah and Lashkare Jhangvi in the Shia killings. They believe to deny Iran any link with Pakistan and India. The US also publicly opposes the Iran-Pak gas pipeline (Hilary Clinton and Cameron Munter, ex US ambassador to Islamabad made a few public statements, advising Pakistan not to deal with Iran). The bottom-line in such conspiracy theories is the instable and militarized Balochsitan that basically works against the proposed Iran-Pakistan (IP) gas pipeline which might eventually extend to India as well.

Nexus between Crime and Militancy

Police officials claim that currently more than 70 criminal gangs and a dozen of insurgent groups are operating in the province. Both of these actors have political supporters. The level of collusion between criminal gangs and politicians is so entrenched that National Party, Balochistan, vice president; Senator Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo and Lashkari Raeesani allege provincial ministers patronising criminal gangs.

Interviews with businessmen and transporters also support the view of the Supreme Court which in its judgment in October 2012 said rampant corruption, omni-presence of criminal gangs, abductions for ransom, looting of freight-laden trucks were a clear proof of the fact that law and order in the province had broken down. The routes running through Baloch areas such Khuzdar, Wadh, Hub, Taftan as well as the route that pass through the Pashtoon belt i.e. Killa Saifullah, Zhob, Muslim Bagh, Loralai, Chaman, Killa Abdullah ( particularly from Killa Abdullah to Chaman Wali Cross and Haji Muhammad Ali Bavri are also not secure any more, and almost daily cargo trucks and passenger buses are ambushed by armed robbers or sectarian killers. Sibi, Dera Murad Jamali, Chaman, and even the Sariab area of Quetta are also most vulnerable spots for crime and killings.

A report by the Balochistan Home Department ( in March 2012) said as many as 1,493 innocent citizens have been killed and 3,313 injured in 1,718 incidents, mostly in target killings and sectarian attacks from 2007 to February 15, 2012.The report on the deteriorating law and order situation in the province, says that militant factions like the Balochistan Liberation Army, the Balochistan Republican Army, the Baloch United Liberation Front, and Baloch Liberation Front- are spearheading violent activities. The report categorically underlined that, particularly since 2007, the aforementioned insurgent outfits have developed a nexus with criminal gangs operating in the province for financial and outreach reasons.

The report pointed out that banned militant sectarian outfits are also colluding with the insurgents and criminal gangs to enhance their outreach in the area. First case of kidnapping by Baloch insurgents surfaced in 2009, when hitherto unknown, Balochistan Liberation United Front (BLUF) held an American United Nations official, John Solecki, for two months. Furthermore, ‘Baloch nationalists are also suspects in the case of a British Red Cross doctor mysteriously kidnapped from Quetta in January’ this year.

Though it is difficult to establish any direct link between Baloch insurgents and kidnappings for ransom but plenty of verbal evidence on various proponents of violence and crime – the Taliban and Baloch insurgents and tribal chiefs ´ is available on how these groups move in tandem to mobilize funding from smuggling, extortions, car-hijacking, abductions for ransom, and illegal weapons– trade , which involves heavy machine guns, rocket launchers, grenades are showcased in places like Gulistan in Pishin.

Governance and Tribal Ethos

Governance in Balochistan is characterized by tribal ethos and ethnic factionalism. Four post-partition insurgencies were witnessed in the province during 1948, 1954, 1961 and 1977. At present, it is undergoing fifth insurgency, which was ignited in August 2006 after the murder of Baloch tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti who ironically was considered as a federalist politician. The ongoing insurgency started in Marri-Bugti and Mekran(southern) areas and since then the military operations have resulted in huge human and property losses and stark violation of human rights by the state as well as the insurgents.

Balochistan administration system is a hybrid of formal and informal systems. Only five percent of the provincial territory is governed by the formal policing. Law and order in the remaining 95% of the province is managed by a system of ‘levies’ recruited from among local tribes, who provide security services through a mix of tribal norms and quasi-official procedures. Levies are primarily state-funded private armies of tribal chieftains. The tribal system with its archaic social structures and a justice system controlled by the tribal elite had long made formal rule of law framework irrelevant for most of the population. Such a system obviously perpetuates a high degree of conflict and insecurity¶ thereby, leaving the poor communities distant from the ¿formal– state.

Political Landscape

Nowhere in Pakistan is the political landscape as fragmented as in Balochistan, probably because of the tribal nature of a society that is scattered in sparsely populated regions. Balochistan is not a political society in modern socio-political terms, but still it has some deep-rooted nationalist and democratic political parties, which can play a significant role in influencing Baloch masses, provided they are ready to play such role in current peculiar political circumstances.

Currently five schools of thought dominate this landscape:

Baloch Separatists (five factions, primarily Marri and Bugti): These groups demand total independence from Pakistan. A spokesperson for three groups i.e. the Baloch Republican Party (BRP) of Brahamdagh Bugti, the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) led by Dr Allah Nazar , and the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) of Harbiyar Marri told media on October 21, 2012 that ‘everybody knows who is calling the shots in Balochistan … Talks are possible but only on our agenda ´ independence. If the army is at all serious about having talks with us, it will have to recognise our agenda.'( http://tribune.com.pk/story/454628/balochistan-crisis-we-will-never-negotiate-with-govt-says-brp/)

2. Balochistan National Party (Mengal) and National Party (Dr. Malik Baloch).

These parties also stand for provincial autonomy but are vague on the real autonomy issue. The National Party led by Dr. Malik Baloch represents the middle class , educated political workers, academia and intelligentsia, and is guided by fundamental democratic principles of plurality and inclusion. It claims to believe in liberal and secular values and pursues maximum national autonomy with the Pakistani federation. It lobbied for these demands including the ownership of oil and gas resources in the province (as spelt out in the Constitution’s Article 271). Balochistan National Party (Mengal) demands the right for self determination, a position it seems to have taken since 2008 in the face of mounting pressure by radical separatist movement groups. At the same time, it also talks of elections and democracy, probably to stay relevant and acceptable to the majority of Balochis.

3. Balochistan National Party (Awami): This party represents moderate Baloch forces, and is considered as the fence-sitters. It has been part of almost every government in the province. It can be compared to the PML-Q (led by Ch. Shujaat Hussein), a party that grew under the shadow of Gen. Musharraf and was instrumental in weakening the PML-N led by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

4. Jamhoori Watan Party (Bugti): This party has been in turmoil since the assassination of Nawab Akbar Bugti in August 2006 and has lost its sting due to internal fragmentation. It is divided in two factions: one is led by Aali Bugti and the other by Talal Bugti. The third faction, Baloch Republican Army (BRA), is led by Brahamdagh Bugti, which believes in total independence and is thus categorized as a nationalist militant group.

5. PPP / PML-N: Both parties are centrists/nationalist and stand for the Federation. The Jamiat Ulemai Islam (JUI-F) ´ a religio-political party – is also a pro-federation party, primarily an opportunistic grouping of Deobandi Maulanas, and has been part of almost every government. A Balochi, Maulana Ghafoor Haideri, is its secretary general. Some call the JUI-F an extension of the military-dominated establishment in Balochistan. But despite the official support and boycott of the last general election by mainstream Baloch parties, the JUI-F could not win a single seat from the Baloch areas, unlike the elections in 2002, when it managed just about two National Assembly seats.

Pashtoon Parties:

1. Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP): Their agenda revolves around equality for Pashtoons in Balochistan. It also demands a new social contract, is liberal in outlook and opposed to the ultra-conservative agendas pursued by religious parties such as the JUI. It also supports the presence of America in Afghanistan and insists on eliminating militant networks operating in the border region.

2: Awami National Party (ANP): Liberal, Pashtoon nationalist party. The ANP is part of the government in the province.

3: JUI-F: It also has Pashtoon leaders like Maulana Sherani , Maulana Wasy.

4: PML-Q (Jaffar Mandokhel): Centrist. This is a pro- federation party but most of its leaders are considered as opportunists. This faction of the Muslim League is also called the King’s Party, as they are always with the government.

Baloch Nationalists (Separatists)

Baloch insurgent groups are primarily nationalist-secular and their ‘struggle’ for independence from Islamabad’ is rooted in the decades– old demand for provincial autonomy. These groups have always kept themselves away from religion. Baloch separatist groups do not believe in elections and consider the pro-parliamentary democracy within the Federation as traitors. Their publicly-stated struggle is centered on autonomy. But all these groups are divided, and therefore, the religio-political Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (F) and its splinters emerge as the deciding factor for any coalition.

Major Separatist Groups:

• Baloch Liberation Front (BLF, Dr. Allah Nazar)
• Baloch Liberation Army (BLA, led by Hairbiar Marri).
• Baloch Republican Army (BRA, led by Brahamdagh Bugti, grandson of Nawab Akbar Bugti)
• Lashkar-e-Balochistan (LB, Jawaid Mengal, son of Sardar Attaullah Mengal)
• Sarbaz Balochistan (SB)
• Baloch Liberation United Front (BLUF)

They are pitched against over a dozen political groups which are pro-federation. Additionally, the ethnic Pashtoons, who constitute almost half of the province population, want political and economic rights without asking for independence. Furthermore, the religio-political party – Jamiat Ulemai Islam (F) – and its splinters also are predominantly Pashtoon and have been part of every government in the Centre (expedience) and in Quetta (both expedience and compulsion of requisite numbers).

Most Frequent Complaints by Baloch Nationalists

The history of neglect by the center, the high-handedness of the civilian-military establishment, denial of political and financial autonomy and the continuing nexus between the provincial elite´mostly opportunistic´and the military establishment. The Baloch nationalist narrative also feeds off these misgivings and the insurgent groups in particular use this to justify their violent campaign. Following are some of the most frequent complaints that revolve more around the role of the Center/military and focus less on the role tribal sardars and chieftains have played ´ most of them as willing pawns, driven by their own economic interests.

– The Punjabi-dominated Center is not sincere

– The present government in Balochistan lacks legitimacy as all Baloch nationalist parties boycotted the February 2008 elections as a mark of protest against an unannounced operation in Balochistan. Baloch nationalists see it as an agent of the Pakistani establishment.

– The Military Establishment wants to keep Balochistan subjugated through suppression of Baloch nationalist forces. It is a conscious attempt to keep Balochis divided.

– The civilian-military ruling elite in the Center do not want development and prosperity in Balochistan.

– Some of the Baloch tribes such as, Jams, Raisanis, Jamalis, Rinds, Zehri’s as well as religious leaders associated with the Jamiate Ulemai Islam (JUI) serve as the extensions of the civil-military establishment.

– Intelligence agencies use businessmen / smugglers / gang leaders for ‘social support’ but many of these people reportedly indulge in criminal activities like kidnappings for ransom, extortion from affluent people and smuggling.

– ‘Official’ protection of private influential groups has contributed to the breakdown of law and order.

– The civil-military establishment is consciously promoting religio-political groups to counter Balochi nationalists.

– Intelligence agencies eliminating Baloch nation through clandestine abduct, kill and dump operations.

– Intelligence agencies eliminating Baloch nationalists through target killings and police encounters to muzzle demands for rights. That is why almost all political/sectarian murders are blamed on intelligence agencies, or projected as acts of suppression. Baloch nationalists talk of about 500 activists having been executed through abduct-kill-dump operations.

– Intelligence agencies and the Frontier Corps are playing favorites with Bugti family members, using one against the other.

– Intelligence agencies and the Frontier Corps are using tribal chiefs against prominent Bugti and Marri leaders.

In Nov 2009, the federal government responded to these grievances by announcing an Economic Rights– Package (AHBP). The package as well as the 7th National Finance Commission Award (a mechanism to distribute funds between the Centre and the four provinces) more than doubled Balochistan financial resources. Until late 2008, the province used to get about 43 billion rupees (less than 400 million dollars) from the federal consolidated fund. Under the 7th NFC award signed at Gwadar in 2009, the share of Balochistan doubled from 5.1 to 9.09 percent i.e. a net transfer of about 83 billion rupees in 2010 and over 110 billion in 2011 (Dollar-Rupee Parity : 95 Rupees= Dollar).

Who lives where?

1. Jhal Magsi´ Jhal Magsi is a stronghold of Magsis led by Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi, Governor Balochistan. Magsi have always been close to military establishment. They hold sway over Jhal Magsi and in areas of district Shadadkot in the bordering Sindh province. Mir Nadir Magsi, the younger brother of Nawab Magsi is provincial minister in Sindh cabinet while his younger brother Mir Amir is MNA from Sindh. Mir Tariq Magsi, MPA from Jhal Magsi is Governor younger brother and another brother is senator Mir Akbar and son senator Nawabzada Saifullah Magsi. Governor wife Shama Perveen Magsi is MPA on reserved seat and holds the portfolio of IT as Minister

2. Dera Bugti: Bugtis (sub-tribes Massori and Kalpar). The current, official Chieftain of the tribe is Nawab Aali Bugi, who had been installed by the military establishment in 2009. The Chieftain is traditionally the person who controls Dera Bugti and the surroundings. Massori Bugtis are led by Wadera Ali Mohammad. Masooris live in Bakkar district bordering Punjab and Barkhan. Kalpar Bugtis , led by Jalalan, lives in gas producing town of Sui.

With the support of government agencies, three major players count as important for Dera Bugti. They include Mir Ahmadan Bugti (member of national parliament). He recently got injured after stepping on an explosive device laid for him. The other two are Mir Ghulam Qadir Massoori and Jalalan Kalpar.

3. Kohlu:Mohbbat Khan Marri and Shahnawaz Marri are important players here. Mohabat is the uncle of Shahnawaz Marri. They belong to Fatah Khanzai faction of tribe who have always been loyal to military establishment. There are two major factions Bijranis and Gazanis in the area. A considerable group Bijranis are controlled by Mir Hazar Khan, a former guerilla commander while Gazainis by elderly separatist leader Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri.

4. Barkhan: Khetran tribe dominates this district which borders Dera Ghazi Khan in the east and Loarali in the north while in the south with Kohlu and Dera Bugti (both politically sensitive and volatile districts) there are three personalities Sardar Abdur Rahman Khethran, Mir Tariq Mahmood and Mir Baz Mohammad Khetran. All three are political rivals. Sardar Abdur Rahman, the chieftain, holds sway in the area for being elected MPA from the area. Militants have been attacking the camp of gas and oil companies and power pylons.

5. Khuzdar´ Dominant tribes in this district are Zehris and Mengals, Bizenjos. Zehris are known to patronizecriminal gangs in the region and for harbouring. They also reportedly provide the social support network secret agencies against separatist groups.

Sardar Sanaullah Zahri is mostly elected in the elections from his area Zahri/Gath. Bezenjos are in Naal area and the chieftain is Sardar Aslam Bezenjo who is currently Minister for Irrigation.

Wadh is dominated by Mengals while Khuzdar comprises of mixed population. Khuzdar has currently turned into a battle field for rival Mengal factions. One faction is led by Chieftain Sardar Attaullah while another by Mir Naseer , the former caretaker Minister. A separatist group Lashker-e-Balochistan led by Jawaid Mengal who lives in exile in London is active in attacks against government forces and installations and rivals. While another group Nifaz-e-Defa Aman Tahrik (NDAT), which draws support from government agencies is headed by Shafiq Mengal

Around 250 persons are estimated to be killed in clashes for the last three years.

# Musakhel : Musakhail tribe is in majority in this district, and has been a stronghold of the Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI-Fazal).Two major political/tribal personalities here are –Sardar Azam Musakhail and Sardar Asmatullah. Azam has been loyal to Pashtoonkhawa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP), the nationalist liberal Pashtoon party and once won in 2003 elections while Asmatullah has been associated with PML (Q). Otherwise the provincial assembly seat has always been with Jamiat Ulema Islam (Fazal).

6. Zhob: This district, that borders Afghanistan and FATA to the north, is divided among three major tribes i.e. Kakars, Mandokhels, Nasirs.

Major political forces are two factions of Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI-F), and JUI-Ideological. In addition to them the PML (Q) and Pashtoonkhawa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) also enjoy considerable support here. Senator Maulana Mohammad Khan Sheerani, the provincial head of JUI (F) and Chairman Islamic Ideological Council and Maulana Asmatullah are political rivals, though they had once belonged to the same JUI-F. Jogezais who are considered to be head of Kakars, the biggest Pashtoon tribe, cannot even contest elections against the aforementioned clerics due to lack of support among masses. Even the nationalist Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) had to enter into alliance with PML (Q)’ Shiekh Jaffar Khan Mondokhail in previous elections. Due to fast growing influence of Jamiat Nazaryati (ideological) in the area, the activity of both Afghan and Pakistani Taliban has been on the rise in recent years. Religious militancy here is strong and Afghan Taliban use the smaller Kibzai tribe for shelter in the Murghakibzai sub-district.

7. Naseerabad/ Jaffarabad: Umrani, Khoso, Bungalzai and Lahri tribes live in Naseerabad. Umranis dominate politics here as this both seats of the district have been won by Saqid Umrani and Babu Amin Umrani.

In Jaffarabad Jamalis and Khoso live but with open political rivalry. Being close to the military establishment, Jamalis have almost always edged out Khoso rivals. Both PA seats and one national assembly seat have been won by Jamalis.

8. Bolan: a volatile district because of law and order (crime) and insurgency. Rind, Kurd, Bungalzai and Raisani are the major tribes inhabiting this district.

The Rind tribe is the largest of all, led by Sardar Yar Mohammad Rind, who had won one of the two seats of provincial assembly in 2008 elections. Another seat has always been bagged by Finance Minister Mir Asim Kurd Gaillu.

Sardar Yar Mohammad and Nawab Aslam Raisani, the present chief minister, have been locked in politicalrivalry for over 30 years. Other political/tribal personalities keep shifting loyalties between Nawab Aslam and Sardar Yar Rind as and when necessary ahead of elections.

Governor Balochistan Nawab Zulfiqar Magsi ‘s role is decisive on national assembly seat for his tribe’s en-bloc votes of over twelve thousands in the favour of any candidate.

9. Sibi: Pashtoon tribes inhabiting Sibi are Khajjak and Luni while Baloch are Dombki, Rind, Marri, Chandio etc. Dombki always win the provincial assembly seat with their enbloc votes from Lahri area. Although Barozai enjoy enormous respect among the people, yet they have not been able to win the seat to the provincial or national parliament.

10. Lasbela: Jam and Bhootani tribes dominate the socio-political landscape here. Jams are currently headed by Jam Mir Yousaf, the federal Minister. Jams live in Uthal, Bela and Hub while Bhootanis are in the Durajee region. Jams can win the elections on one of the two provincial seats andone national assembly seat. Jam Yousaf himself and his father late Jam Ghulam Qadir remained the Chief Ministers and many times federal ministers.

11. Chaman: Ethnic Pashtoon tribes Achakzai and Noorzai are the major tribes in Chaman. Both factions of Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI-F) dominate politically, however Pashtoonkhawa Mili Awami Party (PKMAP) and Awami National Party (ANP) have their own pockets of influence here.

Since PKMAP boycotted the 2008 elections, the independent candidate Captain (R) Abdul Khaliq won the elections and is now provincial minister. Asghar Achakzai, Naseer Ahmad Bacha, the former provincial Minister, Maulavi Haneef, Senator Hafiz Hamdullah are the influential personalities in Chaman.

12. Loralai: (Pashtoons) Kakar, Luni, Tareen, Jogezais and Nasaar are the major tribes in the area. The district in the north borders Zhob district, in the east Dera Ghazi Khan, in the south Musakhail, Barkhan and Kohlu. Lunis always won one provincial assembly seat regardless of which party they represent. Another seat is won by JUI (Fazal) or Pashtoonkhawa Mili Awami Party. Sardar Yaqub Nasaar, the sitting member of national assembly and a former federal Minister, Sardar Masood Luni, the provincial Minister, Sardar Gul Mohammad Jogezai are the major socio-political personalities of the area.