Who is he and what are his beliefs? Ruthless campaigner with his penchant for media publicity, Hakimullah is around 27 years of age and considered as one of the closest lieutenants of the killed Taliban commander, Baitullah Mehsud. Hakimullah was responsible for TTP operations in Khyber and Orakzai agencies where until recently he spent most of his time. He is also known for his ruthless anti-Shia campaign in Kurram agency, where the presence of TTP zealots has been wreaking havoc on the Shia minority Pashtuns. Many media personnel met him in Orakzai agency in the last week of November 2008 and saw a deputy emerging for Baitullah Mehsud. It was in this meeting when he said that Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari was in his hit-list along with many other government officials for their 'pro-American' policies. Hakimullah, over six feet tall, radiates a certain charisma, and has also threatened on occasion to cut off supplies to American forces in Afghanistan if U.S. drone attacks continued. His people also displayed one of the two American Humvee military vehicles they had hijacked in Khyber Agency on November 10, 2008. He also accused members of the central and provincial governments of 'working to break up Pakistan in collaboration with the US.' That is why Hakimullah men not only unleashed a string of vicious attacks on the US-NATO military cargo vehicles destined for Afghanistan, particularly between November 2007 and March 2009, but also conducted several suicide attacks across Pakistan. Hakimullah owned up many of these attacks, which involved TTP-trained bombers. He studied in a madrassa for some years but didn–t graduate as a mullah but rose to the level of becoming a Taliban commander and led nearly 4,000 Taliban fighters in Orakzai, Kurram and Khyber agencies. Hakimullah closest contender was Waliur Rahman, cousin of Baitullah and equally ruthless and now is commanding Taliban fighters in South Waziristan. Hakimullah confirmed Baitullah death: By...

Washington, February 6, 2009: Senator Kerry, chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said: 'In my conversations with Admiral Mullen … there is a sense of some transformation-of a willingness to engage in some transformation. I also find that both General Pasha and General Kayani are likewise committed.' Tokyo, April 17: Within 71 days of Kerry statement, Friends of Democratic Pakistan, upon U.S. prodding, pledged $5.28 billion. Washington, June 11: Within 125 days of Kerry statement, the U.S. House of Representatives passed The Pakistan Enduring Assistance and Cooperation Enhancement Act authorizing $1.5 billion per fiscal year for non-military assistance to Pakistan plus $300 million for FY2010 and such funds as may be necessary for ¿Pakistan Counterinsurgency Capabilities Fund– plus $300 million in Foreign Military Financing. Washington, June 24: With 138 days of Kerry statement, the U.S. Senate passed The Enhanced Partnership With Pakistan Act authorizing $1.5 billion per fiscal year for nonmilitary assistance to Pakistan. Washington, June 2009: Congressional conferees authorized $1 billion for coalition support fund reimbursements (Pakistan receives around 80 percent of the total) plus $896 million for embassy expansion plus $539 million in Economic Support Funds. Islamabad, July 24: Syed Saleem Shahzad, Asia Times Online Bureau Chief in Islamabad, one of Pakistan most perceptive journalist, wrote: 'The seamless friendship between … Admiral Mullen and General Kayani has cemented the relationship between the military establishments of the two countries to levels not seen since the 1950s…. The result is that Islamabad and Washington are in a position to implement coordinated, long-term policies in the region, which include action against militants, moves to improve ties between Pakistan and India, especially their dispute over divided Kashmir……..' Islamabad, July 30: Syed Saleem Shahzad wrote: 'Intense U.S. efforts...

Pakistan is dangerously water stressed. The World Bank, in a report back in 2006, stated that Pakistan is sprinting from a ¿water scarce– country to becoming a ¿water stressed– country and within a decade a ¿water famine– country. Major factors behind this sprint are: negligence in developing a national water strategy, public inappropriate attitude toward water conservation & consumption and lack of population planning. To be certain, per capita water availability in Pakistan is plummeting-falling hard and falling fast. To be sure, water resource management is yet to be taken up by the government and the society as a serious development issue. Rivers are running drier, ground water polluted and over-exploited, water infrastructure in shambles. And yet, Pakistan water usage is categorized among the worst in the world. According to the World Bank 2006 Study, Pakistan is more water stressed than is Ethiopia. The study showed that among the 25 most populous countries in 2009, 'South Africa, Egypt and Pakistan are the most water-limited nations.' The report claims that: 'India and China, however, are not far behind with per capita renewable water resources of only 1600 and 2100 cubic meters per person per year. Major European countries have up to twice as much renewable water resources per capita, ranging from 2300 (Germany) to 3000 (France) cubic meters per person per year. The United States of America, on the other hand, has far greater renewable water resources than China, India or major European countries: 9800 cubic meters per person per year. By far the largest renewable water resources are reported from Brazil and the Russian Federation - with 31900 and 42500 cubic meters per person per year.' In addition to the World Bank report, the UN World Water Development Report states that the 'total actual renewable water resources in Pakistan decreased from 2,961 cubic meters per capita in 2000 to 1,420 cubic meters in 2005.' That indeed is a 50 percent drop in...

In 1985, Xenel Corporation of Saudi Arabia conceived the setting up of a mega-power plant in Pakistan's private sector. The sponsors of Hub Power Company had to negotiate for nine long years with 11 successive Pakistani governments and at least 40 different bank-lenders before they could sit and sign an Implementation Agreement (IA) with the government of Pakistan then led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (the IA was signed on August 3, 1992). Hub Power's four steam turbines of 323 MW each, for a total of 1,292 MW, were commissioned on March 31, 1997. In 1993, the Pakistan Peoples Party won elections. In 1994, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto unveiled Power Policy 1994. The Private Power and Infrastructure Board (PPIB) was inundated with 116 applications amounting to an accumulated generation capacity of 26,000 MW. The PPIB selected 75 applications -- amounting to an investment of some $20 billion -- to whom it issued its Letter of Intention (LoI). After further scrutiny and a deposit requirement of Rs100,000 per MW, a total of 33 applicants were issued Letters of Support (LoS). Eventually, 14 of the 33 applicants were able to reach financial close. In 1997, Mian Nawaz Sharif was elected prime minister once again and he unveiled Power Policy 1998. Power Policy 1998 was a complete failure. In 2002, General Musharraf unveiled his Policy for Power Generation Projects 2002. The Policy for Power Generation Projects 2002 over its seven-year life span has so far added a paltry 165 MW. According to the PPIB, we now have 17 private power producers with a capacity of around 4,500 MW. Of the 4,500 MW, private power producers with a capacity of some 800 MW have been shut down. All other private power producers are operating way below their full generating potential. Two questions: why have some private power producers completely shut down? Why are private power producers operating way below their full generating potential? Two answers: political score-settling plus the circular...

In 1985, Xenel Corporation of Saudi Arabia conceived the setting up of a mega-power plant in Pakistan's private sector. The sponsors of Hub Power Company had to negotiate for nine long years with 11 successive Pakistani governments and at least 40 different bank-lenders before they could sit and sign an Implementation Agreement (IA) with the government of Pakistan then led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (the IA was signed on August 3, 1992). Hub Power's four steam turbines of 323 MW each, for a total of 1,292 MW, were commissioned on March 31, 1997. In 1993, the Pakistan Peoples Party won elections. In 1994, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto unveiled Power Policy 1994. The Private Power and Infrastructure Board (PPIB) was inundated with 116 applications amounting to an accumulated generation capacity of 26,000 MW. The PPIB selected 75 applications -- amounting to an investment of some $20 billion -- to whom it issued its Letter of Intention (LoI). After further scrutiny and a deposit requirement of Rs100,000 per MW, a total of 33 applicants were issued Letters of Support (LoS). Eventually, 14 of the 33 applicants were able to reach financial close. In 1997, Mian Nawaz Sharif was elected prime minister once again and he unveiled Power Policy 1998. Power Policy 1998 was a complete failure. In 2002, General Musharraf unveiled his Policy for Power Generation Projects 2002. The Policy for Power Generation Projects 2002 over its seven-year life span has so far added a paltry 165 MW. According to the PPIB, we now have 17 private power producers with a capacity of around 4,500 MW. Of the 4,500 MW, private power producers with a capacity of some 800 MW have been shut down. All other private power producers are operating way below their full generating potential. Two questions: why have some private power producers completely shut down? Why are private power producers operating way below their full generating potential? Two answers: political score-settling plus the circular...

Total chaos in Peshawar: A recent cursory look at just one Urdu newspaper published from Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan's embattled Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP) exposes extremely disturbing figures on the alarming socio-economic decline that major cities of the Northwestern Frontier Province find themselves in. The data on crimes in Peshawar, Charsadda, Nowshehra, D.I.Khan and Mardan presents a sad story of how poor governance, lack of justice, corruption and insensitivity of politicians and bureaucrats have delivered these cities in the hands of criminal gangs, many of whom disguise themselves as Taliban. Half of the total murders recorded in the abovementioned districts took place in Peshawar, the provincial capital and the largest district with close to 3 million inhabitants. Same is the case with the kidnappings and robberies as nearly 70% of all the kidnappings and robberies took place in Peshawar city. Viewed against these alarming figures, why shouldn–t Peshawarites feel insecure and scare? This also explains the provincial capital degeneration from a throbbing, tolerant and literary city into a town haunted by the lethal combination of crime and militancy, that is compounded by a corrupt ruling elite backed up by an insensitive bureaucracy. Over the years, the city has sunk into social chaos and insecurity, precipitated by economic adversity. Once a glorious city: Peshawar in the 1960s, was a culturally-throbbing city with activities going on from staging classic English plays to playing and experimentation in modern music. Peshawar University was the 'epicenter' of much cultural and artistic experimentation and was seen as one among the most progressive, liberal and forward looking institutions. Now, fast forward to 2002-2007 when Peshawar hardly survived under the 'Islamic rule' of the bigoted rule of Muttahida Majlise Amal (MMA) that killed the spirit and soul of the city. Pictures of females cannot appear on billboards and absolutely not in...

Total chaos in Peshawar: A recent cursory look at just one Urdu newspaper published from Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan's embattled Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP) exposes extremely disturbing figures on the alarming socio-economic decline that major cities of the Northwestern Frontier Province find themselves in. The data on crimes in Peshawar, Charsadda, Nowshehra, D.I.Khan and Mardan presents a sad story of how poor governance, lack of justice, corruption and insensitivity of politicians and bureaucrats have delivered these cities in the hands of criminal gangs, many of whom disguise themselves as Taliban. Half of the total murders recorded in the abovementioned districts took place in Peshawar, the provincial capital and the largest district with close to 3 million inhabitants. Same is the case with the kidnappings and robberies as nearly 70% of all the kidnappings and robberies took place in Peshawar city. Viewed against these alarming figures, why shouldn–t Peshawarites feel insecure and scare? This also explains the provincial capital degeneration from a throbbing, tolerant and literary city into a town haunted by the lethal combination of crime and militancy, that is compounded by a corrupt ruling elite backed up by an insensitive bureaucracy. Over the years, the city has sunk into social chaos and insecurity, precipitated by economic adversity. Once a glorious city: Peshawar in the 1960s, was a culturally-throbbing city with activities going on from staging classic English plays to playing and experimentation in modern music. Peshawar University was the 'epicenter' of much cultural and artistic experimentation and was seen as one among the most progressive, liberal and forward looking institutions. Now, fast forward to 2002-2007 when Peshawar hardly survived under the 'Islamic rule' of the bigoted rule of Muttahida Majlise Amal (MMA) that killed the spirit and soul of the city. Pictures of females cannot appear on billboards and absolutely not in...

Total chaos in Peshawar: A recent cursory look at just one Urdu newspaper published from Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan's embattled Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP) exposes extremely disturbing figures on the alarming socio-economic decline that major cities of the Northwestern Frontier Province find themselves in. The data on crimes in Peshawar, Charsadda, Nowshehra, D.I.Khan and Mardan presents a sad story of how poor governance, lack of justice, corruption and insensitivity of politicians and bureaucrats have delivered these cities in the hands of criminal gangs, many of whom disguise themselves as Taliban. Half of the total murders recorded in the abovementioned districts took place in Peshawar, the provincial capital and the largest district with close to 3 million inhabitants. Same is the case with the kidnappings and robberies as nearly 70% of all the kidnappings and robberies took place in Peshawar city. Viewed against these alarming figures, why shouldn–t Peshawarites feel insecure and scare? This also explains the provincial capital degeneration from a throbbing, tolerant and literary city into a town haunted by the lethal combination of crime and militancy, that is compounded by a corrupt ruling elite backed up by an insensitive bureaucracy. Over the years, the city has sunk into social chaos and insecurity, precipitated by economic adversity. Once a glorious city: Peshawar in the 1960s, was a culturally-throbbing city with activities going on from staging classic English plays to playing and experimentation in modern music. Peshawar University was the 'epicenter' of much cultural and artistic experimentation and was seen as one among the most progressive, liberal and forward looking institutions. Now, fast forward to 2002-2007 when Peshawar hardly survived under the 'Islamic rule' of the bigoted rule of Muttahida Majlise Amal (MMA) that killed the spirit and soul of the city. Pictures of females cannot appear on billboards and absolutely not in...

Perpetually hostile neighbors: India and Pakistan are in a state of active hostility-if not war or at least two proxy wars. At least 6 of Pak Army 9 Corps are on the border with India. Of the 6, I Corps and II Corps are heavy armor strike corps. At least 7 of Indian Army 13 Corps are on the border with Pakistan. Of the 7, X Corps and II Corps are powerful strike corps (strike corps is an offensive formation). Additionally, all of India Holding Corps, that are directly facing Pakistan, also have significant offensive capabilities. In effect, 66 percent of Pak Army holding and strike formations are directly facing India. In effect, more than 53 percent of Indian Army holding and strike formations are directly facing Pakistan. Both are poised for war: Pakistan maintains-and sustains-critical assets in the northeast that have managed to pin down India XV Corps, IX Corps, XVI Corps, XIV Corps, XI Corps, X Corps and II Corps. India 4 Armored Brigade, 340 Mechanized Brigade, 11 and 12 Infantry Divisions, Jaisalmer Air Force Base, Utarlai Air Force Base and Bhuj Air Force Base maintain a threatening-offensive posture. India is reportedly supporting anti-Pakistan Baloch elements as well as anti-Pakistan Taliban factions. India is bent upon projecting power into Afghanistan that Pakistani establishment sees as encirclement of Pakistan. And, India-post Operation Parakram- has been investing into a 'Cold Start War Doctrine' involving joint operations by Indian Army, Air Force and Navy; eight integrated battle groups with armor, artillery, infantry and combat air support. High on defense spending: For FY 2009, India defense spending will rise by close to 50 percent to a colossal $32.7 billion (according to Jane Information Group). India is planning it biggest-ever arms purchases; $11 billion fighter jets, T-90S tanks, Scorpion submarines, Phalcon airborne warning and control system, multi-barrel rocket launchers and an aircraft carrier. At $32.7 billion India defense spending...

Division of water resources: Partition of the sub-continent in 1947 divided the largest contiguousirrigation system within theIndus Rive, while many of the canal head-works remained withIndia. The ad-hoc division led to a serious water conflict, when India stopped the water supply toPakistanon April 1, 1948.The World Bankfacilitated negotiations between India and Pakistan, backed with technical expertise. The resulting agreement, known as theIndus Waters Treaty(IWT), was signed in 1960. Under this treaty, Pakistan obtained exclusive rights to use 135 million acres-feet (MAF) of the water of the Indus,Jhelumand the Chenab. India retained the rights to use 33 MAF of the three eastern rivers: Ravi,Beasand Sutlej. The Bank also created theIndus Basin DevelopmentFund (IBDF) of $895 million for Pakistan to develop dams and link canals on the three western rivers. (India contributed $174 million to the IBDF.) India developed better: Under a comprehensive master plan for the utilization of its allocated share of the water, India constructed link canals and dams having a storage capacity of 17 MAF. In Punjab state alone, this resulted in a 54 percent increase in the sown area. Canal water supplywas supplemented by simultaneous installation of tube-wells supported by power supply throughhydroelectric projectson the rivers. This transformed Punjab and Haryana, once deficient in food grain, in to India '¿bread basket' in the mid-1970s. …and Pakistan did not: In Pakistan, on the other hand, poor water management policies led to salinity and water-logging problems. Meanwhile, due to high sedimentation, the three dams on the Pakistani side have seen their storage capacity go down from 16 MAF to 12 MAF. At the same time, Pakistan allowed 35 MAF of water to escape into the sea every year. Pakistan storage-to- water-flow ratio is only 11 percent, against India 52 percent on the allocated eastern rivers. India hydropower potential utilization better: India has a hydropower...