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Back to blame game

Pakistan and India are back to their mutual blame-game – accusing each other of “unprovoked firing” across the 190km working boundary separating Jammu in India from Sialkot and other Pakistan towns. But the entire issue is worth taking a dig at in the historical perspective to decipher the mindset that is working behind this brinkmanship. For this, Reuters news agency and India Today offer some critical reading. Both sides have their own versions. During his recent interaction with the Pakistani and foreign media in the Sialkot sector, the commander of the border security forces Major-General Tahir Javed Khan rejected the Indian accusations of cross-border infiltration from the Pakistani side and also wondered about the motives. “The type of infrastructure which you have (on the Indian side) in terms of barbed wire, the gate control with them, fully lit at night with poles at 100 meters distance each, four search lights on each pole and then the bunkers spaced 75 meters to 100 meters all along the working boundary. Now, when firing is taking place everyone is alert, the lights are lit. How would that be possible that during this period, intense firing and once everyone is alert, some infiltration can take place?” Voice of American quoted Khan as saying. For several weeks, Indian BSF officers spurned telephone contact He also complained that for several weeks, the Indian BSF top tier officers spurned telephonic contact, either not taking phone calls via the hotline or saying the relevant officers were not available. “Reasons best known to them (India) but they are becoming more aggressive with each passing day. The number of [cease-fire] violations, the number of rounds they have fired and the number of [Pakistani] posts and villages they have engaged that is increasing with each passing day. And the number of rounds which they have fired in five days, probably this much volume was not fired even during the actual wars between India and Pakistan,” said Khan. Across...

From Shadows to Realities: Can SAARC Move Forward?

The Author is currently associated with Pakistan’s prestigious daily The Express Tribune, partner of International New York Times. Zahid Gishkori, who concluded Alfred Friendly/Denial Pearl Fellowship 2014 in the United States of America and worked with several newspapers like Washington Post and The Kansas City Star. This paper is the result of a SAARC fellowship programme that Gishkori attended in 2013 and is based on numerous meetings/interviews with top military generals, diplomats, politicians, persons / officials / academics in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Pakistan Contents Acknowledgement Overview SAARC: The Organization Introduction SAARC’s Performance Challenges to SAARC Terrorism and SAARC SAARC and Indo-Pak Ties SAARC’s Role in Post US Afghanistan Pakistan-China-India & SAARC  China and SAARC Islamabad-New Delhi Relations New Visa Regime India’s Offer in Energy Sector Politics of Revenge De-escalating Arms Race Hurdles in Regional Harmony SAARC Peace Process Sri Lanka: Example for Smaller States How Sri Lanka Beat the Rebels Focus on Economic Growth in South Asia Trade Between SAARC States Bilateral Alternative MFN Status and Pak-India Trade Concept of Brand Perception Pakistan’s Trade Ties with SAARC States India Pak Economy Comparison Trade Ties: US, India and Pakistan Nawaz’s Foreign Policy Agenda and SAARC Recommendations Meeting with Leaders Sri Lankan Former Army Chief Pakistan’s Gen. ( Retd) Pervez Musharraf Mir Waiz Umar Farooq Imran Khan Conclusion Visits/ Tours References Online Sources Published Articles Acknowledgement I am grateful to Secretary General SAARC Mr. Ahmed Saleem, Director SAARC Secretariat, Mr. Dhan Bahadur Oli, Director SAARC Information Centre Mr. Laxmi Bilas Koirala, Senior Program Manager, SAARC Media Fellowship 2012-2013, as well as the entire staff associated with other SAARC’s regional offices in Sri Lanka, Nepal, India and Pakistan for their cooperation and assistance throughout my fellowship program. I would like to...

Pakistan Conflict Tracker Monthly Report – September 2014

The month of September witnessed an escalation in military operation ‘Zarb-e-Azb’ in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).  The Chief of Army staff reiterated his resolve, “we’ll get rid of the terrorism once and for all”.  Meanwhile, in port city Karachi the targeted operation against terrorists and criminals by rangers continued. In a report submitted to Standing Committee on Interior Affairs, Rangers official Colonel Tahir Mehmood said security forces have destroyed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan’s (TTP) network in Karachi, the provincial capital of Pakistan’s Sind province beyond repair. Rangers submitted a one-year review report to the committee and briefed the members about the operation in which they arrested hundreds of alleged criminals since it started on September 7 last year.[1] To have an understanding of the law and order situation in the country and the newly emerging challenges, this report will take a close look at the incidents of violence that took place in the country during the month under review using the following topics: Deaths off violence in the country during September 2014 Casualties off violence in Balochistan Casualties off violence in FATA Casualties off violence in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) Casualties off violence in Punjab Casualties off violence in Sindh Sectarian violence in Pakistan This report is based on the reports appeared in the national newspapers during the month of September. All efforts are taken to make this report as informative and factual as possible.  Errors and omissions, as always a possibility in all statistical works including this one, are expected.  However, such mistakes do not grossly affect the basic objective of this report. CRSS will appreciate receiving comments that the readers may have on this report. Report prepared by: Mohammad Nafees Senior Research Fellow Center for Research and Security Studies NOTE:  Readers can approach CRSS for source of any information included in the report.  Please send...

Drones: Pakistan’s Worst Kept Secret

The recent spike in Drone strikes in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) has again given fuel to the infamous drone debate and Pakistan’s tacit agreement on intelligence sharing with the CIA and the US. It was just a few months ago that Peter Bergen, a US expert on Drones, had revealed that the US drone campaign in Pakistan may have finally come to an end. Not only Bergen, but Pakistan’s foreign office, representing the current Nawaz led PML N government, boasted of lobbying against drones and convincing the Obama administration to halt these strikes. These reports also carried weight as 2014 witnessed no strikes till June. It was on June 11 when a predator drone targeted the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and the local Taliban in Dargah Mandi, North Waziristan, raising speculations of a possible US-Pak joint strike seeking vengeance from the IMU for their role in the Karachi airport attack on June 8. Furthermore, the current spree of predator strikes in FATA has further negated any possible cessation of drone strikes. A total of 16 drone strikes since June this year, have allegedly killed close to 110 people, all of whom were tagged as militants by the media. According to Bergen’s New America Foundation, the US has conducted a total of 384 drone strikes killing more than 3500 people - most were reported to be militants. Moreover, these strikes have also been clinical in eliminating more than fifty Al Qaeda, Taliban and Haqqani network leaders - including two heads of the notorious Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP). But even with their “apparent” success and effectiveness, the Drone strikes in Pakistan are generally regarded as illegal and in violation of the country’s sovereignty. Pakistan, along with international human rights organizations, has called these strikes as illegal and illegitimate. In October 2013, the Chief Justice of Peshawar High Court issued a judgment on the drone attacks. Justice Dost Muhammad Khan, while hearing a case...

How far will China go?

Pakistan constitutes one of China’s core interests in regional engagement. Beijing therefore remains committed as well as willing to share ideas on governance in line with “constructive engagement with communities of common destinies”   a new principle that has practically replaced China’s traditional policy of ‘non-interference’ largely out of geo-strategic and commercial reasons. Beijing has embraced this principle to secure its long-term interests in the region as well as to exercise and retain influence in regional and global matters. Increasingly, this policy implies that Beijing considers normal economic-political relations with neighbours as central to its agenda of economic development, regional trade and security. The Chinese desire for longer term relations with Pakistan, too, is anchored both in strategic as well as geo-commercial considerations. Pakistan is a crucial link to the so-called economic and energy corridor that China hopes to raise for its future needs. Beijing at the same time worries about the spiraling militancy in Afghanistan, its alarming impact on Pakistan and the continued US presence in Afghanistan under the protective umbrella of the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA). Chinese interest in Pakistan therefore stretches beyond the presence of the radical, trans-nationalist East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) in the Afghan-Pakistan border regions. The ETIM rejects Beijing’s hold over the western Xinjiang region and espouses an independent Islamic Xinjiang. Most of the terrorist violence in recent months is also blamed on the ETIM, which Beijing believes uses Pak-Afghan territory for its subversive activities. In this context, Pakistan continues to occupy an extremely crucial spot in the Chinese geo-political calculus. But, if discussions with the politically well-connected Chinese academics and intelligentia were any indicator, it is only this far China can go. Despite the history of good, friendly relations with Pakistan, China is...

What next in Afghanistan?

After weeks of sparring over results, Afghan presidential candidates Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah finally demonstrated the kind of pragmatism that the war-wounded country needs for reconciliation and security. That marks another big step in Afghanistan’s chequered transition from war-ravaged tribal culture to a quasi democratic process. Mutual acrimony, motivated speculation, accusations and counter-arguments accompanied the entire process but – at least for now – better sense seems to have prevailed. The initial blueprint for the unity deal came from the US Secretary of State John Kerry following Abdullah’s rejection of results and intent of setting up a parallel government. Given the history of deep ethnic divisions and bitter political hostilities the power-sharing may not be smooth though. What, however, is certain that some rancorous realities ie adverse economic conditions and extremely volatile security concerns may possibly have forced both leaders – albeit unwillingly – to settle for an honourable exit from their stated positions. The compulsions facing the new Afghan leadership were best summed up by John F Sopko, Special Inspector General for Reconstruction of Afghanistan (SIGAR), in a speech he gave at Georgetown University Washington, DC (September 12, 2014): “Unfortunately, Afghanistan is a case study in projects and programs set up without considering sustainability… The bottom line: It appears we’ve created a government that the Afghans simply cannot afford.” The sheer size of the US government’s reconstruction effort, Sopko said, has placed both a financial and operational burden on the Afghan economy and its government that it simply cannot manage by itself. Quoting the Afghan government revenues of a little over $2 billion in 2013, Sopko said these potential revenues are not even one-third of the approximately $7.6 billion that the Afghan government needs stay afloat. Currently, more than 60% of the Afghan national budget comes from the US...

In attack by al Qaeda, lines blur between Pakistan’s military, militants

Months after Owais Jakhrani was sacked from the Pakistan navy for radical Islamist views, he led an audacious mission to take over a warship and turn its guns on a U.S. naval vessel in the open seas. The early September dawn raid at a naval base in the southern city of Karachi was thwarted, but not before Jakhrani, two officers and an unidentified fourth assailant snuck past a patrol boat in a dinghy and engaged in an intense firefight on or around the warship, PNS Zulfiqar. Four people were killed in the attempt to hijack the Zulfiqar, including Jakhrani and two accomplices, who were serving sub-lieutenants, according to police reports seen by Reuters. Officials are divided about how much support the young man in his mid-20s had from inside the navy. They also stress that Jakhrani and his accomplices were a long way from achieving their aim when they were killed. But the attack, claimed by al Qaeda's newly created South Asian wing, has highlighted the threat of militant infiltration into Pakistan's nuclear-armed military. The issue is a sensitive one for Pakistan's armed forces, which have received billions of dollars of U.S. aid since 2001 when they joined Washington's global campaign against al Qaeda. According to an initial statement from al Qaeda, the plan was to use the Zulfiqar to attack a U.S. navy vessel, meaning potential loss of American lives and a blow to relations between the two nations. A further statement issued by the group identified the target as USS Supply, a US naval ship used to refuel warships at sea. The Indian navy was also a target, the statement said. It urged followers to “make jihad on the seas one of their priorities," according to the SITE intelligence group, which monitors extremist communications. A naval spokesman said an inquiry was still ongoing when Reuters contacted the military with detailed questions about the incident. The military typically does not publish its inquiries. "The Reuters story is not based on facts," he...

In attack by al Qaeda, lines blur between Pakistan's military, militants

Months after Owais Jakhrani was sacked from the Pakistan navy for radical Islamist views, he led an audacious mission to take over a warship and turn its guns on a U.S. naval vessel in the open seas. The early September dawn raid at a naval base in the southern city of Karachi was thwarted, but not before Jakhrani, two officers and an unidentified fourth assailant snuck past a patrol boat in a dinghy and engaged in an intense firefight on or around the warship, PNS Zulfiqar. Four people were killed in the attempt to hijack the Zulfiqar, including Jakhrani and two accomplices, who were serving sub-lieutenants, according to police reports seen by Reuters. Officials are divided about how much support the young man in his mid-20s had from inside the navy. They also stress that Jakhrani and his accomplices were a long way from achieving their aim when they were killed. But the attack, claimed by al Qaeda's newly created South Asian wing, has highlighted the threat of militant infiltration into Pakistan's nuclear-armed military. The issue is a sensitive one for Pakistan's armed forces, which have received billions of dollars of U.S. aid since 2001 when they joined Washington's global campaign against al Qaeda. According to an initial statement from al Qaeda, the plan was to use the Zulfiqar to attack a U.S. navy vessel, meaning potential loss of American lives and a blow to relations between the two nations. A further statement issued by the group identified the target as USS Supply, a US naval ship used to refuel warships at sea. The Indian navy was also a target, the statement said. It urged followers to “make jihad on the seas one of their priorities," according to the SITE intelligence group, which monitors extremist communications. A naval spokesman said an inquiry was still ongoing when Reuters contacted the military with detailed questions about the incident. The military typically does not publish its inquiries. "The Reuters story is not based on facts," he...

In attack by al Qaeda, lines blur between Pakistan's military, militants

Months after Owais Jakhrani was sacked from the Pakistan navy for radical Islamist views, he led an audacious mission to take over a warship and turn its guns on a U.S. naval vessel in the open seas. The early September dawn raid at a naval base in the southern city of Karachi was thwarted, but not before Jakhrani, two officers and an unidentified fourth assailant snuck past a patrol boat in a dinghy and engaged in an intense firefight on or around the warship, PNS Zulfiqar. Four people were killed in the attempt to hijack the Zulfiqar, including Jakhrani and two accomplices, who were serving sub-lieutenants, according to police reports seen by Reuters. Officials are divided about how much support the young man in his mid-20s had from inside the navy. They also stress that Jakhrani and his accomplices were a long way from achieving their aim when they were killed. But the attack, claimed by al Qaeda's newly created South Asian wing, has highlighted the threat of militant infiltration into Pakistan's nuclear-armed military. The issue is a sensitive one for Pakistan's armed forces, which have received billions of dollars of U.S. aid since 2001 when they joined Washington's global campaign against al Qaeda. According to an initial statement from al Qaeda, the plan was to use the Zulfiqar to attack a U.S. navy vessel, meaning potential loss of American lives and a blow to relations between the two nations. A further statement issued by the group identified the target as USS Supply, a US naval ship used to refuel warships at sea. The Indian navy was also a target, the statement said. It urged followers to “make jihad on the seas one of their priorities," according to the SITE intelligence group, which monitors extremist communications. A naval spokesman said an inquiry was still ongoing when Reuters contacted the military with detailed questions about the incident. The military typically does not publish its inquiries. "The Reuters story is not based on facts," he...

Taxpayers’ money & media publicity of fraud

People, companies, and agencies need to be held seriously accountable for stupid decisions, dereliction of duty, corrupt behaviour, and subpar performance. Otherwise, we simply foster the expectation that additional waste, fraud, and abuse will be tolerated in the future, and only those who can shove the money out the door or meet the required “burn rate” are to be promoted and rewarded — John F Sopko, the US Special Inspector General for Reconstruction of Afghanistan (SIGAR) The US Special Inspector General gave this biting conclusion in a rare, blistering critique at Georgetown University, Washington, DC (September 12, 2014) saying, “It appears we’ve created a government that the Afghans simply cannot afford.” He said that the US had spent more than $104 billion for Afghan reconstruction but “what have we gotten for the investment” after committing “more funds to reconstruct Afghanistan, than the US spent to rebuild Europe after World War II under the Marshall Plan?” SIGAR was created in 2008 by Congress to provide “independent and objective oversight of the US reconstruction effort in Afghanistan”. Sopko’s questions on the “reckless” US spending in Afghanistan offers food for thought to Pakistanis, who wonder how the ruling elite and bureaucracy play havoc with the taxpayers’ money without fear of accountability. “I was stunned when senior state department officials on my first trip to Kabul suggested how we should write our reports. They even suggested changes to our report titles and proposed that we give them our press releases in advance so they could pre-approve them,” Sopko said, referring to the high-handed attitude of bureaucratic and military officials on ground. Sopko underscored how SIGAR’s interventions saved hundreds of millions of dollars from being criminally wasted in wrongly prioritised projects. Federal contract officials don’t bother to make site visits, fail to keep proper documentation, fail to enforce standards and fail to ensure work is...

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TESTIMONIALS

I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.

Soniya Shams

Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar