The Taliban terrorists attacked the Army Public School (APS) in Peshawar on December 16, 2014, killing 142, including 132 children. The national tragedy united political actors, religious organizations, the military and every segment of the general public against this horrendous act and the rising tide of terrorism. Cognizant of this public bloodlust and demand for justice, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif announced an end to the moratorium on the death penalty that had been in force in the country since the time of the Pakistan People’s Party’s government. This decision may directly affect the 8,261[1] death row prisoners incarcerated in the nearly 5 dozen or so jails across Pakistan, which include those convicted of terrorism-related incidents. To understand the implications of this decision and weigh its costs and benefits, Dawn newspaper spoke to Ahmer Bilal Soofi, an international law specialist, and asked him what he felt was going to be the outcome of this decision. Q: What was the legal status of the moratorium on the death penalty and what impact will its lifting have on the dispensation of justice in Pakistan? A: The legal position is that capital punishment is still part of the law, which means that as long as parliament does not amend the law, Pakistan is under no obligation not to carry out sentences awarded under it. International legal obligations that Pakistan is a signatory to, such as international conventions, do not pressure Pakistan into not executing those who have been tried and found guilty. So far, we were holding back as a courtesy, or in the hope of certain perceived economic benefits (in terms of the GSP Plus status afforded by the European Union). But the consequences of holding back have now become too great for this moratorium to continue. In every country, the criminal justice system is linked to a sense of equilibrium: you can either reform the individual or bring them to justice. In the absence of the death penalty, the criminal...

A 500-page American Senate Intelligence Committee report shed some light on the Bush administration's use of torture as a means to interrogate and extract information, and the widespread nature of these tactics. The Express Tribune lists five critical "need to know" points from the report, including the fact that these activities severely strained relations with foreign nations, including Pakistan. The controversial report, condemned by a few Republican officials and lauded by others, brings some much needed transparency to CIA’s conduct, which, as it turned out, was much worse than we previously knew. Here’s what you need to know: 1. Torture was much worse than we thought Everyone knows that the CIA tortured under the Bush administration. We’ve all seen Zero Dark Thirty, and even President Obama admitted as much when we said “we tortured some folks”. But what the Senate Report uncovers is that the agency employed many techniques that previously were not known, which include ‘walling’ detainees, a term that means slamming detainees’ heads and bodies against a wall repeatedly. Worse, the detainees were often nude and sleep deprived during these sessions. Other techniques that the CIA had employed were ‘rectal hydration’ and ‘rectal feeding’, which entailed food and water being infused through the rectum of the detainees. The CIA also conducted mock executions, and threatened to kill and rape the detainees’ family members. As for the techniques that we already knew, like water boarding and sleep deprivation, the report shows how they were employed on a far larger scale than the CIA had previously admitted. SOURCE: INTELLIGENCE.SENATE.GOV This photo reviewed by the US military and made during an escorted visit shows a US naval medic explaining the “feeding chair” procedures at the detention facility in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, on April 9, 2014. PHOTO: AFP 2. A lot of it was not necessary A large chunk of the report is devoted to the handling of Khalid Sheikh Mohammad,...

Balochistan appears to be caught up in a perennial state of crisis. The lingering Baloch separatist insurgency, organized crime patronized by powerful political elites, the pre-dominance of the security establishment astronomical levels of corruption and endless predatory political blackmail by coalition partners of chief minister Dr Malik Baloch; following months of an uneasy cohabitation, a lethal tug of war between the National Party of Dr Malik Baloch and the PML-N-led opposition represents the latest in a series of crisis that the CM has been facing since assuming the office in summer last year. During a parliamentary debate on December 8, opposition MPs Mir Hammal Kalmati, Maulvi Gulab Khan and Samina Khan of PML-N, for instance, faulted the chief minister for the fast deteriorating law and order. In the year 2013-14, Mr Kalmati said, 153 mutilated bodies were found in various parts of Balochistan, 216 targeted killings were reported, and 2,985 Baloch people went missing. Islamabad needs to put its foot down against the threat to Dr Malik Baloch’s government The government responded by claiming significant improvement in law and order in the Kech and Panjgur districts. It said the available data supported its claims of significant decline in target-killings as well as a crackdown on a chain of some 70 gangs of organized crime, including a number of groups patronized by extremely influential politicians and tribal chiefs. Incidents of mutilated bodies have also gone down, officials claimed, adding that this became possible because of a much closer coordination among the civilian and the military security apparatus. But this doesn’t appear to be enough for the opposition hawks; they want a much bigger share of the pie and hence their new offensive. According to officials, the mighty lobby of tribal Sardars, most of whom are unhappy over the strict financial discipline and governance guidelines that Dr Baloch has tried to impose, once again seems intent on...

Power politics —led by the notorious Baloch ruling elite — again appears to have gripped the restive province of Balochistan. At a time when the Chief Minister’s Policy Reform Unit has come out with an excellent documentation on the province’s state of public finances, governance, the post-Eighteenth Amendment legislative challenges, the state of education and a brilliantly encapsulated vision and strategy on development, a fresh assault on Dr Abdul Malik Baloch’s fragile provincial government is increasingly becoming visible. The launch on December 8 of the series of documents on the current economic and governance situation and future prospects lays out guidelines for the government, which were lauded by all and sundry. Reiterating what he had said at the National Party’s fourth congress on the occasion, the chief minister ruled out any compromise on Baloch resources, geography, national identity and coastal resources, and vowed to devote all energy and effort towards engendering development, peace, employment, education and healthcare facilities in the light of the development strategy that the policy reform unit has proposed. At the same time, Dr Baloch urged the Baloch nation to shun emotionalism and instead present their case with valid arguments and logic. The chief minister also made a candid statement, alluding to the barrage of complaints by Baloch nationalists. “It was easier to blame Islamabad for our plight but post-Eighteenth Amendment we have largely to blame ourselves if we cannot implement the rights under that legislation. The onus for realising the promises of the Eighteenth Amendment rests squarely on us,” he said. But as the launch ceremony was unfolding at a local hotel, the beleaguered government facedbullying and allegations in the provincial assembly. Opposition parliamentarians, Mir Hammal Kalmati and Maulvi Gulab Khan, as well as Samina Khan of the PML-N, for instance, faulted the chief minister for the fast-deteriorating law and order...