by Zeeshan Salahuddin, Senior Research Fellow, CRSS Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KP) has seen unprecedented death, destruction of infrastructure, and trauma since 2004, which became especially pronounced between 2008 and 2013. This period saw the state institutions and law enforcement agencies conceding ground to terrorists and criminals, retreating into the urban centers. The military offensives have struck a lethal blow to the ever-expanding nexus of this militant enterprise, regaining lost territory and establishing government writ in these areas. Additionally, under Inspector General Nasir Durrani, the pro-active policing in KP has concurrently resulted in a demonstrable decrease in terrorism and related deaths. The turnaround in the last 18 months is nothing short of remarkable. This police-military combination is effective at the moment, but it is not sustainable. The military is extremely capable of surgical strikes and methodically removing the terrorist threat in a theater of war. However, the military has no place (or responsibility) to ensure long-term peace in settled areas. Under the autonomous direction of IG Durrani, the continued role of the police in the province is necessary for long-term peace, but must be reinforced through the civil structures. The recent local body elections in the KP, the final phase of which is underway today, saw Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI) emerge victorious in several district councils. This devolution of powers presents with a golden opportunity to not only strengthen community-led local governments, but also to aid in the creation and monitoring of safe neighborhoods at the grassroots level. Municipal and communal policing, monitoring and grievance addressal are crucial tiers missing from KP’s governance structures, and proper implementation can build upon and accelerate this momentum. The counter-terrorism experience in KP is instructive. It proves that despite legal handicaps, a politically empowered and operationally...

The regional geopolitical dynamics are changing, and a growing China-Russia proximity is a major indicator of that transformation. The week-long military drills that began along the coast of Russia’s Primorsky region in the Peter the Great Gulf on August 22, reflect the growing collaboration between the two countries. Some 22 vessels, 20 aircraft, 40 armored vehicles and 500 marines from Russia and China are participating in the active phase of the ‘Joint Sea 2015 II’ drills in the Sea of Japan, off the coast of Russian far eastern city of Vladivostok. The goal is to strengthen anti-sabotage, anti-submarine, anti-vessel and anti-aircraft defense. Gunnery drills with various types of surface, underwater and aerial targets are also part of the games. Earlier in May, Moscow and Beijing held a joint nine-ship naval exercise in the Mediterranean, “to consolidate and develop China-Russia all-round strategic coordination and partnership, to deepen the pragmatic and friendly cooperation between the Chinese and Russian militaries, and… to further enhance their capability of jointly coping with maritime security threats,” according to a press conference by the Chinese Defense Ministry. Deep defense cooperation with India weighed heavily on Moscow Pakistan’s planned acquisition of advanced Russian Mi-35 attack helicopters and the Russian offers of support in the power sector may also be seen as a reflection of the growing China-Russia cooperation. The move may be seen as a significant shift in Moscow’s policy towards Pakistan. Clearly, the deep defense cooperation with India weighed heavily on Moscow for decades, but the expanding India-US corporate sector cooperation perhaps works to the advantage of Pakistan, which is desperate for economic revival and development. Primarily designed for attack and military transport missions, the Mi-35 ‘Hind E’ multi-role gunship helicopter is manufactured by Rostvertol, a subsidiary of Russian Helicopters. Moscow’s decision is probably...

Why shouldn’t young minds turn towards extremist ideologies — I’m not talking of terrorism — if they are marginalised, their basic rights grossly violated, or if they are under-paid or unemployed? What role are many private educational institutions playing in promoting extremist tendencies among young academics? Is the state attentive to this? Is education a market economy product determined by the demand and supply principle, or is it a government responsibility (as promised underArticle 25-A of the Constitution)? The state is the guarantor of the right to education, bound to provide decent livelihoods as well as protect the youth from exploitation. These are some of the questions that must be posed to the Sharifs, the Zardaris, the Shahs, the Khans and all those political luminaries who tirelessly speak of turning Pakistan around. Not to forget those members of mainstream political parties who are running educational institutions. These include the Kasuris, the Chaudhrys, the Syeds and the Niazis. Under-paying highly educated young people employed by high-flying institutions affiliated with Oxbridge and other leading systems, is a perennial issue. Exploitation of the educated youth — both as teachers and students — is prevalent even in Islamabad, the capital, but this curse is omnipresent in its most oppressive forms in under-developed regions and those where the ruling elite control education boards or sit in parliaments. Although Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) has seen a proliferation of private universities and colleges, there has been little check on their fee and salary structures. The Abbottabad, Peshawar and Mardan boards seem to be hubs of corruption that are under the control of the political elite and their henchmen. Many of them are involved in issuing fake degrees and under-paying teachers, often invoking the demand-and-supply principle as if teaching were a commodity obtainable at a negotiable price. Some of Imran Khan’s colleagues in K-P are among those...

Pakistan's acquisition of advanced Russian MI-35 attack helicopters is a significant shift in Moscow's policy towards the South Asian nation. Islamabad is also purchasing Viper platforms from the US besides actively considering to acquire advanced Z-10 combat helicopters from China. Russia has ended its decades long self-imposed arms embargo on Pakistan by agreeing to sell four of its most advanced Mi-35 ‘Hind’ gunship helicopters. Primarily designed for attack and military transport missions, the Mi-35 is a multi-role combat helicopter manufactured by Rostvertol, a subsidiary of Russian Helicopters. “An agreement was signed between Pakistan and Russian authorities in Rawalpindi for the purchase of four MI-35 helicopters,” an unnamed senior military official told Pakistani daily The Express Tribune. Little is known about the deal, especially the exact cost of the helicopters. A Taiwanese news website had reported in June this year that in all Pakistan will be receiving 20 Mi-35s from Russia. “The two countries may also reach deals on the Pantsyr-S1 short to medium range surface-to-air missile and anti-aircraft artillery weapon system, the Mi-28E all weather attack helicopter and the 9K37 Buk Grizzly missile system,” said a report in Want China Times on June 26. The MI-35M is one of the modern combat helicopters in the inventories of Russia,Venezuela, Brazil, Azerbaijan, India and many other countries. India has at least 20 MI-35M helicopters in its inventory, some of which participated in the Kargil conflict in 1999. The deal is a major departure from Russia’s long denial of its military hardware to Pakistan. It is likely to bring discomfort to India, one of Russia’s closest allies and main arms supplier. In fact New Delhi has minced no words in expressing its opposition to the deal, that had been in the air for months. Moscow has remained India’s largest defense supplier for decades, with military sales crossing $40 billion since the delivery of MiG-21s in 1963...