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The Modi Doctrine

Narendra Modi, the 14th prime minister of Bharat Ganarajya, has declared war on Pakistan-war through other means. Here’s the triangle of the Modi Doctrine. Soft power internationally: A country’s soft power includes its diplomatic strength, its propaganda arsenal and the use of economic aid. A country’s soft power is its ‘ability to attract and co-opt’ other countries through means that are non-coercive. A country’s soft power is its ability to ‘demonise the enemy’ by portraying the ‘enemy as purely evil’. In the US, the Modi Doctrine depends on the India-Caucus which is the largest country-specific caucus in the United States House of Representative. On September 20, Congressman Ted Poe, the chairman of the House Subcommittee on Terrorism, along with Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, introduced HR 6069, the Pakistan State Sponsor of Terrorism Designation Act (it has since been referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs). Within South Asia, India has already demonstrated its ability to co-opt Bangladesh and Afghanistan. For the record, on a bilateral basis, the Modi Doctrine intends to use water as a weapon of war (once again, war through other means). The Israeli model in Kashmir: The Israeli Model has two components. First, disproportionate use of brutal military force. Second, establishing settlements of non-Muslims in Kashmir. Disproportionate use of military forces, as per the Israeli model, means deploying a soldier over every dozen Muslim inhabitants of Kashmir. Currently, estimates vary but up to 700,000 Indian soldiers have been deployed to brutally crush the Kashmiri freedom struggle (the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, passed by the parliament of India, grants special powers to the Indian armed forces). Additionally, the Modi government – along with Mehbooba Mufti, the chief minister of Indian Occupied Kashmir – has plans of acquiring land and settling 200,000 to 300,000 Hindus in protected Israeli-type townships (‘transition camps’ have already...

Collective Responsibility of Police and Public Needed for Crime-Free and Just Society, RPO Mardan

Public-Police dialogue should be interactive and two-way in nature to develop linkages between the two. It is extremely important to disseminate and share with the citizens the public service vision of police leadership to help address the trust deficit. The vision of reforms was an operationally autonomous police which besides possessing the powers to control the crimes in the society, is democratically controlled and accountable to the public. The behaviors of police might have changed due to the uphill counter-terrorism challenges in the society, but the reforms will hopefully improve their public relations skills to fill this gap. But KP police is still considered better than other provinces. These were the remarks made by Mr. Ijaz Ahmad, DIG/ RPO Mardan during a public forum on police reforms at TMA Hall, Charsadda. Mr. Sohail Ahmed, DPO Charsadda and Haji Mukarram Khan, District Council Member Charsadda also spoke on the occasion. The event was participated well by the senior police officers and members of community with diverse backgrounds including lawyers, local government representatives, media, academia and youth representatives. The forum was part of the project “Ulasi Police” an awareness and advocacy campaign undertaken by the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) – as part of USAID Small Grants and Ambassadors’ Fund Program – to strengthen the rule of law in KP province by promoting and disseminating the significant police reforms aimed at incorporating local communities’ policing needs and international human rights standards. The endeavor aims to tackle the trust deficit between the public and police, help KP police become an accountable and community-focused police force. Mr. Ijaz Ahmad, DIG Mardan said that it was enormously important to develop public-police partnership for rule of law as weak civil society leads to crimes and injustice. Police Policy Board - an inclusive group comprising cadres of police officials from different...

CRSS Quarterly Security Report Q3, 2016

Pakistan experienced a 19.4% rise in the number of fatalities from violence from July to September, when compared with the last quarter. The most affected province was Balochistan, followed by FATA, Punjab, Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, respectively, in terms of the number of casualties suffered from violence. FATA observed a 90.5% rise in fatalities from violence-related activities this quarter while Punjab recorded a 52% increase when compared with the last quarter. However, it must be said that Punjab remains one of the least affected units in the federation. This quarter also witnessed continuous operations being carried out in various districts of Punjab in an attempt to preempt any terrorist activities as well as locating and arresting various gangs and banned outfits in the province. Sindh, on the other hand, observed a reduction in fatalities from violence-related activities. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, despite the introduction of the KP Police Ordinance 2016, the efficiency of the law enforcement agencies did not improve. In fact, there were more civilian and security officials’ casualties reported from the province than those of militants’. While the Pakistan Army had claimed that the threat of terrorism had been mitigated to a great extent, this did not show in the data gathered between July and September. Due to the rising count of civilian casualties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in this quarter particularly, the Army decided to launch a military operation in the Khyber Agency in August against insurgents and militants still hiding and active near the border areas. Pakistan has faced both external and internal security threats in these months, with India on the eastern border threatening to isolate Pakistan regionally by branding it the “mothership of terrorism”, and even withdrawing from the Pakistan-hosted 19th SAARC summit, and Afghanistan on the western border closing border trade with Pakistan a third time this year. Several Indian and Afghan spies were also...

Losing in Afghanistan

New Pentagon Data Reveals No End to America's Longest War For one and a half decades, the United States and its partners in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have waged a war against the Taliban in Afghanistan. And, year after year, the Taliban has staved off defeat. One assumption in U.S. policy has been an unwavering faith that the United States can ultimately force an acceptable outcome in Afghanistan. Early in the conflict, the country sought outright defeat of the Taliban. Later, as the feasibility of that objective was called into question, it embraced a more modest goal of leaving Afghanistan with a security force of its own, capable of defending the country against the Taliban. The objectives may have changed, but accompanying troop extensions have anchored the United States’ commitment to its ambitions. Following that pattern, in July of this year, U.S. President Barack Obama announced the latest troop extension, guaranteeing that the next U.S. president will inherit approximately 10,000 troops in Afghanistan. By a variety of indicators, ISAF and the Afghan government it supports are losing the war. According to data recently released by the Pentagon to one of the authors, violence in Afghanistan following Obama’s 2009 troop surge has remained at levels vastly exceeding those observed during the initial years of the war. Meanwhile, measures of insurgent activity, from kidnappings to weapons sales, have remained at levels at or above those observed when the United States “surged” troops into the country. Perhaps most alarmingly, since 2010, when ISAF began tracking combat outcomes on a consistent basis, the number of insurgent attacks resulting in the deaths of Afghan police officers and soldiers have continued to steadily climb. These trends call into question the logic of further extending the presence of U.S. troops in Afghanistan. For years, available evidence has suggested that decisive victory over the Taliban is not possible....

Afghanistan: The Informal Colony of India

  In an increasing globalised world, secret agencies have become an evermore-important weapon of the state. The impact of globalisation on intelligence cooperation between Pakistan, India and Afghanistan in the war against terrorism is rendered problematic by divergent conceptions of its nature and contradictory expectations. The recent developments in information technology as well as a new wave of terrorism in South Asia are the main factors impelling regional states to increase intelligence cooperation on law enforcement level. In fact, intelligence sharing and interoperability of information system has been the biggest challenges facing Pakistan, India and Afghanistan due to their reservations on sharing national secrets. A contemporary theory on the concept of information age spotlights some challenges in the information sharing process. The function of intelligence is to have a structure to process and analyse information and purvey that to policy makers. In South Asia, intelligence function is divided on ethnic and linguistic bases, which create misunderstandings and lead policy makers in wrong directions. The involvement of Pakistani, Indian and Afghan and intelligence agencies in the ongoing proxy war prompted the emergence of several ethno-terrorist organisations that pose serious challenges to the national security of the three states. To counter these violent groups, multilateral intelligence cooperation can be a new light while this way of cooperation gives nations courage to tackle their national security challenges. The emergence of ISIS and Taliban and their suicide attacks against military and civilian installations forced Pakistan and Afghanistan to consider and develop a new working relationship, but unfortunately, the changing foreign policy approach of the Afghan Unity government diminished all efforts. The recent violent noise of the Afghan and Indian leaders about terrorist infiltration from Pakistan before and after the Uri attacks...

Why Russia and China's Combat Drills in the South China Sea Matter

  There’s a growing intimacy between two of Asia’s big naval powers and it’s causing disquiet among regional watchers and maritime policymakers. Russia and China are growing closer in the nautical realm, much to the chagrin of Indian, American and Southeast Asian analysts who feel that their growing bilateral synergy could impact the balance of power in Asia. The trigger for the latest bout of anxiety is ‘Joint Sea-2016’— a joint Sino-Russian naval exercise featuring surface ships, submarines, fixed-wing aircraft, ship-borne helicopters and amphibious vessels navies. China has announced that its biggest naval drill with Russia will include the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLA-N’s) Nanhai fleet, and will involve, among other exercises, anti-submarine and amphibious missions. This is the first time Russian and Chinese naval contingents are meeting for combat drills in the South China Sea (thoughreportedly not in a contested part of the region), however there’s been visible evidence of a growing synergy in other parts of maritime Eurasia. In August last year, the two navies carried out ‘Joint Sea 2015 II’, a high-end naval exercise in the Sea of Japan, featuring live-firing drills, anti-submarine operations and close-support combat drills. During an earlier exercise in the Mediterranean Sea and Black Sea in May the same year, senior commanders made statements challenging America’s strategic dominance of Eurasia. Russian and Chinese leaders believe that the US is the central destabilizing factor in the region’s geopolitics, and is engaged in a systemic containment of Moscow and Beijing. By staging close-combat naval exercises, they hope to warn Washington that its primacy in maritime Asia is at an end. The prospect of joint amphibious exercises near the South China Sea has alarmed regional watchers. Many fear a repeat of the August 2015 drills, when the Russian and Chinese navies simulated a mock ground assault in which 400 PLA marines landed on an island in...

Why Russia and China’s Combat Drills in the South China Sea Matter

  There’s a growing intimacy between two of Asia’s big naval powers and it’s causing disquiet among regional watchers and maritime policymakers. Russia and China are growing closer in the nautical realm, much to the chagrin of Indian, American and Southeast Asian analysts who feel that their growing bilateral synergy could impact the balance of power in Asia. The trigger for the latest bout of anxiety is ‘Joint Sea-2016’— a joint Sino-Russian naval exercise featuring surface ships, submarines, fixed-wing aircraft, ship-borne helicopters and amphibious vessels navies. China has announced that its biggest naval drill with Russia will include the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLA-N’s) Nanhai fleet, and will involve, among other exercises, anti-submarine and amphibious missions. This is the first time Russian and Chinese naval contingents are meeting for combat drills in the South China Sea (thoughreportedly not in a contested part of the region), however there’s been visible evidence of a growing synergy in other parts of maritime Eurasia. In August last year, the two navies carried out ‘Joint Sea 2015 II’, a high-end naval exercise in the Sea of Japan, featuring live-firing drills, anti-submarine operations and close-support combat drills. During an earlier exercise in the Mediterranean Sea and Black Sea in May the same year, senior commanders made statements challenging America’s strategic dominance of Eurasia. Russian and Chinese leaders believe that the US is the central destabilizing factor in the region’s geopolitics, and is engaged in a systemic containment of Moscow and Beijing. By staging close-combat naval exercises, they hope to warn Washington that its primacy in maritime Asia is at an end. The prospect of joint amphibious exercises near the South China Sea has alarmed regional watchers. Many fear a repeat of the August 2015 drills, when the Russian and Chinese navies simulated a mock ground assault in which 400 PLA marines landed on an island in...

Alliance: The Newest Phase of Russo-Chinese Relations

  Western observers inexplicably dismiss all signs of a Russo-Chinese alliance with the argument that underlying incompatibilities between Russia and China will prevent any real cooperation. Yet while disappointments and tensions exist between them, all the evidence points to the formation of an alliance, or what the Russian analyst Alexander Gabuev calls “an asymmetric interdependence,” where Moscow depends more on Beijing than vice versa. Indeed, Russian officials have, since 2014, spoken openly in terms of an alliance and used that word. Russian President Vladimir Putin most recently stated that: As we had never reached this level of relations before, our experts have had trouble defining today’s general state of our common affairs. It turns out that to say we have strategic cooperation is not enough anymore. This is why we have started talking about a comprehensive partnership and strategic collaboration. “Comprehensive” means that we work virtually on all major avenues; “strategic” means that we attach enormous inter-governmental importance to this work. This is too close to advocacy of an alliance to be coincidental. Putin has also spoken of Russia catching the wind of China’s growth in its sails and derided the China threat theory. He also indicated that Russia and China would begin discussing a vast “Eurasia project,” presumably comprising both China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Presumably these talks are based upon China’s earlier assent to the idea of linking Russia’s plans for integrating Eurasia through the EEU to the OBOR project. China’s Victory over Russia This sequence actually displays China’s victory over Russia and Russia’s inability to compete with China. Russia now is merely a “junior brother” in such endeavors. Typically, China graciously but decisively punctured Russia’s grandiloquent Eurasian and great power pretensions. And Russia’s recklessness and failure to reform greatly assisted in the...

Will Russia-Pakistan Joint Drill Change The Balance of Power In Asia?

This week India-Russia relationship moved from being ‘special’ to regular. As Russian troops landed in Pakistan for a two-week counter-terrorism joint exercise the ‘degree of separation’ of the original strategic partners only increased, coming as it did in less than a week after the Uri terror strike. Even though India and Russia are also engaged in counter-terrorism exercises in Vladivostok (for the eighth year running), watching Russian troops land in Pakistan is a new experience in the region. Russia is central to India’s foreign policy goals and to the balance of power in Asia. “The challenge for us is to keep the India-Russia relationship stable in a loosening great power universe,” a source said. Russia remains India’s top defence supplier, but Indian officials confirmed they have asked Moscow to make a choice between Pakistan and India. It’s a red line that Moscow has breached and things may never be the same again.. This follows increasing tension recently between India and Pakistan.. Pakistan prime minister seems to be convinced that they are safe as they are protected by China. Also Pak is calling every Muslim nation to support. It has good relation with Saudi’s. Seems like Saudi’s decide their govt. Pak is looking for freedom of state of Kashmir from India and join its nations.Reason!! It needs road and a pipe line for china. China ready to pay for it. Seems like this land deal has already been done to sell to China. Baluchistan is another problem in Pak, it seems to be same “kashmir” problem at pak home. They usually are under coup and never stable govt. This article originally appeared on www.investmentwatchblog.com. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.

China to Build Outposts for Tajik Guards on Tajikistan-Afghanistan Border

  China plans to finance and build several outposts and other facilities to beef up Tajikistan’s defence capabilities along its border with Afghanistan, the Tajik government said on Monday. The Central Asian nation’s 1,345-km border with its southern neighbour is leaky and Dushanbe routinely reports clashes between border guards and armed drug smugglers there. The increased activity of Afghan Taliban in the northern Kunduz province is another source of concern. A large part of the main highway connecting Tajikistan’s most populous regions to China lies along the same border and armed trespassers this year kidnapped several Tajiks doing maintenance work on that road. In a decree published on Monday, the government instructed the State National Security Committee to sign an agreement with the Chinese side that provides for the construction of 11 outposts of different sizes and a training centre for border guards. China, which according to official statistics sells goods worth US$2.5 billion a year to Tajikistan has already built one outpost on the Tajik-Afghan border, its first, earlier this year. Russia used to station its own border guards on the frontier until 2005, and after that kept a regiment in the Tajik city of Kulyab, 42km from the Afghan border. But Moscow pulled the regiment out in December last year and moved it to the capital, Dushanbe, about 200km further away. China confirmed last year that it would build a military logistics facilities in Djibouti to support Chinese peacekeeping and anti-piracy missions. No completion date has yet been given for the base. It is seen as a move to strengthen China’s presence in Africa. This article originally appeared on www.scmp.com, September 26, 2016. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.    

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TESTIMONIALS

I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.

Soniya Shams

Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar