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China Expresses Concern about Indian Missiles on Border
China's Defence Ministry said on Thursday that it hoped India could put more efforts into regional peace and stability rather than the opposite, in response to Indian plans to put advanced cruise missiles along the disputed border with China. Indian military officials say the plan is to equip regiments deployed on the China border with the BrahMos missile, made by an Indo-Russian joint venture, as part of ongoing efforts to build up military and civilian infrastructure capabilities there. The two nuclear-armed neighbours have been moving to gradually ease long-existing tensions between them. Leaders of Asia's two giants pledged last year to cool a festering border dispute, which dates back to a brief border war in 1962, though the disagreement remains unresolved. Asked about the missile plans at a monthly news briefing, Chinese Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian said maintaining peace and stability in the border region was an “important consensus” reached by both countries. "We hope that the Indian side can do more to benefit peace and stability along the border and in the region, rather than the opposite," Wu said, without elaborating. China lays claim to more than 90,000 sq km ruled by New Delhi in the eastern sector of the Himalayas. India says China occupies 38,000 sq km of its territory on the Aksai Chin plateau in the west. India is also suspicious of China's support for Pakistan. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet Chinese President Xi Jinping when he visits China next month to attend the G20 summit. Modi's government has ordered BrahMos Aerospace, which produces the missiles, to accelerate sales to a list of five countries topped by Vietnam, according to a government note viewed by Reuters and previously unreported. Modi visits Vietnam, which is embroiled in a dispute over the South China Sea with Beijing, before arriving in China. This article originally appeared in The Dawn News . Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are...
Boycotting Saarc Summit Vs Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy
Renowned diplomats believe that Sri Lanka should remain committed to the sustenance and strengthening of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). They say the government’s decision to withdraw from the SAARC summit in Pakistan, against the backdrop of some tensions between India and Pakistan, will not go well for the country or the regional bloc. Some experts say the principle should be that the collective interests of the SAARC region should be always upheld. This principle should in no way be compromised. While in India last week, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had said that the failure of the regional grouping to deliver “acceptable results” for all members would spell a “bleak future” and compel his country to find other “viable options”. According to the Indian media, Wickremesinghe’s remark assumed significance as Sri Lanka was one of the four SAARC member States which sided with India in pulling out of the summit scheduled in Islamabad on November 9-10 over an attack on an Indian army base in Uri on September 18 by Pakistan-based terrorists. .................................................................................................................................................................. Dr. Jehan Perera – Head, National Peace Council of Sri Lanka The government was being practical and pragmatic. Prior to Sri Lanka’s decision not to attend SAARC, four other countries had pulled out. This made attending SAARC meaningless as the basic purpose of this association is to promote goodwill and camaraderie amongst the neighbours. Besides, the SAARC rules say that all countries must attend if there is a summit. .................................................................................................................................................................. Ranga Pallawala – Chief Executive Officer, Janathakshan GTE Ltd. SAARC is the only South Asian regional platform, but it has very less enforcing power. Though...
Handling the Crouching Monster
A US-Afghan raid in the east Afghan province of Paktika has put down another terrorist wanted by Pakistan — Qari Ajmal — the mastermind of the March 2009 attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore. The Lashkar-e-Jhangi (LeJ) had taken refuge in Paktika following the assassination on November 1 , 2013 of Hakimullah Mehsud, the chief of the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Before Ajmal, another TTP commander Azam Tariq and his son also had fallen to the US-Afghan forces in Paktika on September 25. Similarly, a US drone strike in eastern Nangarhar province had taken out Omar Mansoor alias Naray, the alleged mastermind of the Army Public School (APS) attack in December 2014. It is meanwhile clear that all those TTP terrorists had relocated from North Waziristan and Orakzai/Mohmand Agency to the greater Paktia region as well as Nangarhar following the launch of the Operation Zarb-e-Azb in June 2016. Hence, the drone-deaths in eastern Afghanistan of Shahidullah Shahid and Hafiz Saeed Khan, the so-called chief of Daesh Khorassan. Mullah Fazlullah, another instrument of instability, is also reportedly hiding somewhere in the eastern or northeastern mountains dividing Pakistan and Afghanistan and might soon suffer the same fate as did other TTP/Daesh leaders because he too lords over another anti-Pakistan terror group. Their elimination meant one worry less for Pakistan. Similarly, the US Pentagon droned Mullah Akhtar Mansour, the Afghan Taliban chief, to death in May this year because he was seen as a big impediment to the Afghan peace process. He was killed on the Pakistani territory because he represented a threat to both, the US and the Afghan government. If one were to go by this political construct, will the CIA venture to take out Hafiz Saeed of Lashkar-e-Taiba because he personifies horror and terror for India, the extremely valuable regional US ally? Given the ferocity of get-Hafiz-Saeed calls out of New Delhi, the USA and the common...
Pakistan and India – Lessons from China
In this media dominated age where hype and hysteria prevail, views of Pakistanis and Indians about each other and their respective worlds continue to collide. The propensity to assume the worst about each other and to wholly succumb to hyper nationalistic furies is a tragic flaw. In great measure, this stems from a psyche of fear and insecurity, which is evident in vociferous sentimentality. India's thought, conduct and policies often lack originality and a sense of ground reality. It often seems a bland imitation of the West, based on theories of geo-politics of a bygone age. Contrast this with the Chinese. A nation and a civilization that has through thousands of years maintained its essence- poise and confidence, and an unwavering belief and faith in its glorious future. The Chinese leadership and people have pursued their historical mission of rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and have delivered on all counts and by all standards. China's civilizational renaissance; the transformation of China into a great power; and comprehensive aggregation of China's national strength is the most consequential development of this century. China's peaceful rise, its rejection of the notions of hegemony and power politics, its moral voice in world affairs, its humility, its policies and practice of the 'new thinking' is worthy of deeper understanding and emulation. Most notably, the One Belt and One Road initiative of President Xi Jinping provides the answers to the topical questions of our times. An inclusive preposition to build corridors and connectivity for peaceful commerce and mutual prosperity. A win -win model of cooperation among nations of the world. The Eurasian land bridge and maritime routes, which are designed to expand avenues of development and prosperity on a scale not witnessed ever before. In short, geo-economics rather than geo-politics is the way forward in a world troubled by strife and conflict and riven by dissensions of class, creed,...
Pakistan, Iran & China in the Pipeline
The lifting of the economic sanctions against Iran following its historic nuclear deal with the P5+1 on 14 July 2015 may prove the catalyst in the rise of the country as a regional economic powerhouse. It is buoyed by the prospects of a new era of growth and development. Nearly 10% of the total global oil reserves make Iran considerably wealthy in terms of global oil resources.[1] There seems to be a rush of foreign investors to Iran in search of business ventures which the country desperately needs. The new situation has also brightened the prospects of the lingering Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline (IP). Work on the Iranian end was completed in July 2011, whereas Pakistan’s portion is to be completed by 2018. It is worth recalling that Hillary Clinton as former Secretary of State, too, had warned Pakistan of consequences if it went ahead with the construction of the pipeline. But, with the nuclear deal signed, this obstruction seems to be over and Pakistan now needs to show its resolve and complete this ambitious project that has been in limbo since the 1990s. Pakistan’s Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources, Shahid Khakan Abbasi, expressed his relief too. According to him, the July 2015 US-Iran nuclear deal, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), opened the way for Pakistan to proceed on the project. Sanctions on Iran were a major hurdle in commencing the work on project, but now the work will be started within six months and will be completed by December 2017.[2] With the CPEC in full swing this would be the most opportune time to invite Iran as an important stakeholder in the mega project. Iran-Pakistan relations are rooted in history, primarily because of geographical, religious and cultural proximity. Shia Muslims make up to 20 percent of the total population of Pakistan, the second largest Shi’ite population in the world after Iran. Another factor that connects the two countries are the Baloch that live on either side of the 909 km border....
Pakistan, Iran & China in the Pipeline
The lifting of the economic sanctions against Iran following its historic nuclear deal with the P5+1 on 14 July 2015 may prove the catalyst in the rise of the country as a regional economic powerhouse. It is buoyed by the prospects of a new era of growth and development. Nearly 10% of the total global oil reserves make Iran considerably wealthy in terms of global oil resources.[1] There seems to be a rush of foreign investors to Iran in search of business ventures which the country desperately needs. The new situation has also brightened the prospects of the lingering Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline (IP). Work on the Iranian end was completed in July 2011, whereas Pakistan’s portion is to be completed by 2018. It is worth recalling that Hillary Clinton as former Secretary of State, too, had warned Pakistan of consequences if it went ahead with the construction of the pipeline. But, with the nuclear deal signed, this obstruction seems to be over and Pakistan now needs to show its resolve and complete this ambitious project that has been in limbo since the 1990s. Pakistan’s Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources, Shahid Khakan Abbasi, expressed his relief too. According to him, the July 2015 US-Iran nuclear deal, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), opened the way for Pakistan to proceed on the project. Sanctions on Iran were a major hurdle in commencing the work on project, but now the work will be started within six months and will be completed by December 2017.[2] With the CPEC in full swing this would be the most opportune time to invite Iran as an important stakeholder in the mega project. Iran-Pakistan relations are rooted in history, primarily because of geographical, religious and cultural proximity. Shia Muslims make up to 20 percent of the total population of Pakistan, the second largest Shi’ite population in the world after Iran. Another factor that connects the two countries are the Baloch that live on either side of the 909 km border....
Trade Resumes with Kabul After Successful Talks
Trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan across the Torkham border resumed on Sunday after border administrations of the two countries held a successful round of talks over new tax measures introduced by Afghan authorities. Cargo traffic remained suspended for three days because of a strike by transporters of both countries against the imposition of ‘land tax’ by the Afghan customs authorities. Hundreds of vehicles were stranded on both sides of the border as the Afghan authorities refused entry to them without paying the newly imposed tax. Pakistani transporters said every vehicle from here was required to pay 5,000 afghanis, while Afghan transporters were charged half the amount upon their entry into Afghanistan. “We have been informed by Afghanistan borders affairs in-charge Qasim Shinwari that the Afghan authority will not charge 5,000 afghanis from Pakistani transporters and have assured that this practice will not take place in the coming months,” Khyber Agency political agent Capt (retd) Khalid Mehmood told The Express Tribune by telephone. “More than two thousand trucks loaded with cement, vegetables, fruits, daily-use and other items were stranded on the border at Torkham in protest because the additional entry tax levied by Afghanistan was unbearable for them,” Khyber Transport Association’s president Shakir Afridi told The Express Tribune. Afghan authorities at Torkham in Fata and Chaman in Balochistan were charging 5,000 afghanis that comes to more than Rs5,000. However, Pakistan did not impose any taxes on the movement of cargo trucks as a goodwill gesture, Afridi said. “The tax measure was allegedly aimed at crippling trade between the two countries. It seems the decision was taken by government of Qandahar and the Afghan border authorities without taking the approval of the central government in Kabul,” he said. Afridi added that the governments in Islamabad and Kabul had decided in the 2011 Islamabad Declaration that no tax would be levied at border...
Framing China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: A Geo-Strategic Perspective
(Special Contribution to CRSS) Abstract Being neighbor and close friends, both China and Pakistan continues to weave a mutually beneficial and lasting friendship. Close cooperation between the two states ranges from economic to security and culture. Yet the emerging geo-political and geo-strategic realities have put both the states in a closer and mutually cooperative settings. The most salient evidence of this reality is the conceiving and construction of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in recent years. In this backdrop, this study seeks to analyse the CPEC with special focus on the new challenges arising out of new geostrategic scenarios in the region and extra-region. One of the most serious observation of this study is that CPEC is confronted with growing complexities of ground realities, particularly conflicting desires and roles of major players in the region. Introduction CPEC was launched in the backdrop of 9/11, wherein after an initial reign of geo-politics, geo-economics is taking root in the international arena. Claimed as a game-changer move in the region, the Corridor was officially unveiled by the Chinese leadership led by Xi Jinping in 2013, when he was paying an official visit to Pakistan. The Corridor has emerged as a pivotal component of the now famous “One Belt One Road Initiative “(OBOR) in the region and Asia at large. The Initiative took shape within two years after Chinese new leadership took office. But as a matter of fact, the Initiative underwent a series of strategic thinking and designing, before it was finally composed. In 2012, when China convened the most historical event—18th Party Congress, Beijing’s new leadership felt a compelling need to frame and shape China’s brand-new reform agendas and diplomacy. The responsibility thus shifted to China’s top scholars, intellectuals and politicians to help shape policies and to find the right answers to how China should promote her stability at home, as well as national interests...
Police Order 2016 Made KP Police Ever More Accountable and Transparent, RPO Mardan
The new police order 2016 is a serious attempt to establish accountability mechanism and operational autonomy of KP police. The recruitment process of KP police is ever more transparent - with NTS at the core of it - and can no longer be influenced. The promotion system in police has also been revised; linking with departmental exam through (NTS & ETEA) and performance. The system is so efficient that a soldier of lowest rank can go up to the rank of DSP and can even retire as DIG – subject to exams, training and performance. The training of KP police is at the core of police reforms. In this regard, nine training schools have been established to improve its capacity to deal with terrorism, crimes and injustices in the society. These were the remarks made by Mr. Ijaz Ahmad, DIG/ RPO Mardan during a public forum on police reforms at Press Club, Mardan. Mr. Faisal Shehzad, DPO Mardan and Mr. Mushtaq Seemab, Tehsil Naib Nazim, Mardan also spoke on the occasion. The event was participated well by the senior police officers and members of community with diverse backgrounds including lawyers, local government representatives, media, academia and youth representatives. The forum was part of the project “Ulasi Police” an awareness and advocacy campaign undertaken by the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) – as part of USAID Small Grants and Ambassadors’ Fund Program – to strengthen the rule of law in KP province by promoting and disseminating the significant police reforms aimed at incorporating local communities’ policing needs and international human rights standards. The endeavor aims to tackle the trust deficit between the public and police, help KP police become an accountable and community-focused police force. “The police officers are now answerable to the public and their representatives, whereas the DPO will report to the district council twice a year”, the RPO Mardan spoke on the accountability mechanism devised as part of KP police...
Saudi Arabia and Iran Face off in Afghanistan: The Threat of a Proxy War
Saudi Arabia and Iran’s ongoing proxy war in the Middle East is never far from the headlines. The two countries have sparked or exacerbated various conflicts throughout the region, including in Syria and Yemen, two of the most complex and devastating wars in recent history. But another battle between the two regional powerhouses has gone relatively unnoticed, even though it could further destabilize a key strategic theater for the West: Afghanistan. Since entering Afghanistan nearly 15 years ago, NATO has committed thousands of troops and billions of dollars to the country. Today, 13,000 NATO troops remain there, and this summer, NATO committed to continue funding Afghan forces until 2020. But despite all these efforts, Afghanistan remains highly volatile, with a weak central government and various insurgency groups that maintain considerable influence in the country. Many of these groups have a long history of working with Tehran or Riyadh and sometimes both. Although both capitals fund Islamic centers and various groups in Afghanistan, their respective strategies for the region diverge considerably. Iran sees Afghanistan as a primary zone of influence, much as it sees Iraq. The two countries share a porous border, as well as cultural, linguistic, ethnic, and economic ties. Iran is also home to a large number of Afghan refugees, and increased instability and insecurity there translate into even more. Further, narcotics trafficking from Afghanistan fuels Iran’s epidemic of drug abuse. For these reasons, Tehran was already present in Afghanistan when the United States and its NATO allies intervened in 2001. At the time, Iran saw the NATO war as an opportunity and worked with Washington and its partners to defeat the Taliban and stabilize the country. Tehran also leveraged its influence to help build a new national government in Kabul and donated hundreds of millions in aid. Iran has often been a helpful force in Afghanistan, unlike in other similar conflicts...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.