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Democracy There and Here?

Lust for political power, permit, patronage and privileges stand out as the hallmark of a democracy (or the absence of it). This is in sharp contrast to most functional democracies, where political power fundamentally means passion, prestige, preservation of the rule of law and humility. There, most leading political leaders and generals alike go back to their modest two or three room apartments, often driving themselves, once their term finishes. Here, an army of police and para-military lead and tail our politicians — even if out of office, living in mansions to match the prowess of Arab sheikhs. There, retiring presidents and prime ministers create think tanks, educational foundations and social issue advocacy centres for the collective good and welfare. Here, our leading lights end up beefing up their personal accounts and doubling (I am being modest) their private businesses. There, it is considered a conflict of interest. Here, it is considered privilege and smartness to use the official office for raising personal finances and business stakes. There, ministers and members of parliament resign if caught overspending public money or unauthorised spending. Here, our prime ministers and their deputies dole out public money to cronies, journalists and PR firms — directly or through Pakistani diplomatic missions. Here, a Nawaz League associate thinks that roughly Rs100,000, that a three or four members of a family earn at his factory, is more than they need. Contrast this situation with the same amount going into a family dinner for the same gentleman at a 5-star hotel in Pakistan itself. There, the fear of accountability and the certainty of punishment deters heads of governments and their ministers from any unauthorized expense. Here, our ruling elites dig into public kitty to shower favours on friends, media henchmen, and bureaucrats. Bhuttos, Zardaris, Sharifs, and Generals alike have been doing this; feting cronies and media czars in Washington, London,...

UN Demands Afghanistan End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists

Media defenders in Afghanistan say at least 11 journalists have died and hundreds more forced to flee from fighting in the first 10 months of 2016, making it the deadliest year for the country. The Afghan Journalists Safety Committee, a local media watchdog, says more than 60 journalists have been killed in the country in the past 16 years and authorities never investigated those deaths. "The cycle of violence and impunity in Afghanistan has been a longstanding challenge, but has been particularly troubling for journalists over the course of the last year," says Pernille Dahler Kardel of the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). She told a seminar Wednesday in Kabul that local watchdogs have reported to UNAMA that hundreds of Afghan male and female reporters have been forced to flee the conflict zone in the past year. But Kardel asserted that conflict-related situations are not the only real threat to journalists, citing intimidation and harassment as other sources, particularly in cases in which journalists tried to tell corruption stories. "Impunity emboldens perpetrators and feeds into a vicious cycle. Fear and self-censorship among the media are real issues that end up denying the public the right to information and diminishing confidence in the rule of law." The UNAMA official praised the Afghan government for issuing new legislation and declaring its commitment to fight impunity for crimes against journalists. But she echoed demands by local media monitors for addressing the culture of impunity through effective implementation of laws. Kardel was speaking to mark the U.N. International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists This article originally appeared on www.voanews.com, 02, November, 2016. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.

Afghanistan’s Corruption Epidemic Is Wasting Billions in Aid

When I worked as an adviser to the Afghanistan government, even the smallest of infrastructure projects became politicised and overshadowed by corruption. When the ministry wanted to provide clean water to villagers, it was sometimes only possible if private companies belonging to local power brokers – usually MPs, district administrators or police chiefs – were given the construction contracts. If they didn’t win the bid, they would take their share through extortion. Sometimes, the ministry’s facilitating partners lost their machinery, or found them on fire while working on our road projects because they hadn’t paid a bribe to the armed groups that controlled the project area. My ministry, the ministry of rural development, was the most important arm of government. We were involved in nearly 35,000 of the roughly 40,000 villages across the country. In the process, we provided around 70% of Afghans with vital infrastructure, such as midwife clinics, schools, waterworks, bridges, roads, women’s training centres, or solar power projects. This was genuinely important work for genuinely needy people – and yet it was often disrupted by the corruption of the political class, who would, one way or another, find a way of getting their hands on the money. And where was the money was coming from? It came from the pockets of the taxpayers in EU, UK, US, Canada, and Australia. I have since left Afghanistan, but I was recently reminded of my former life when European leaders gathered in Brussels to give $3bn (£2.45bn) to Afghanistan. The UK alone announced £750m in aid for the coming three years. As a former government official, and a former UN staffer in Afghanistan, I have concerns about how this money will be spent. What safeguards are in place to ensure that the money benefits Afghans? Will a farmer in a remote village benefit from these donations after they seep through various corrupted layers of government? Will it help a deported asylum seeker to build a new life? I...

Afghanistan's Corruption Epidemic Is Wasting Billions in Aid

When I worked as an adviser to the Afghanistan government, even the smallest of infrastructure projects became politicised and overshadowed by corruption. When the ministry wanted to provide clean water to villagers, it was sometimes only possible if private companies belonging to local power brokers – usually MPs, district administrators or police chiefs – were given the construction contracts. If they didn’t win the bid, they would take their share through extortion. Sometimes, the ministry’s facilitating partners lost their machinery, or found them on fire while working on our road projects because they hadn’t paid a bribe to the armed groups that controlled the project area. My ministry, the ministry of rural development, was the most important arm of government. We were involved in nearly 35,000 of the roughly 40,000 villages across the country. In the process, we provided around 70% of Afghans with vital infrastructure, such as midwife clinics, schools, waterworks, bridges, roads, women’s training centres, or solar power projects. This was genuinely important work for genuinely needy people – and yet it was often disrupted by the corruption of the political class, who would, one way or another, find a way of getting their hands on the money. And where was the money was coming from? It came from the pockets of the taxpayers in EU, UK, US, Canada, and Australia. I have since left Afghanistan, but I was recently reminded of my former life when European leaders gathered in Brussels to give $3bn (£2.45bn) to Afghanistan. The UK alone announced £750m in aid for the coming three years. As a former government official, and a former UN staffer in Afghanistan, I have concerns about how this money will be spent. What safeguards are in place to ensure that the money benefits Afghans? Will a farmer in a remote village benefit from these donations after they seep through various corrupted layers of government? Will it help a deported asylum seeker to build a new life? I...

Afghanistan’s Tribal Areas Are Still the Key to the War on Terror

On October 31, a suicide bomber killed six people and wounded six others at a meeting of tribal elders in the eastern province of Nangarhar in Afghanistan. Elders had gathered at a house to resolve internal disputes through a own traditional “jirga” (elders’ gathering). Suicide attacks have increasingly become a major weapon in the hands of terrorists. They cost little, cause huge damage and are difficult to trace and prevent. Moreover, such attacks attract high media attention, inflicting a large psychological impact both upon the masses and governments. Accordingly, suicide bombers have become a prime tool of terror for ISIS and the Taliban. These suicide bombers are mainly trained and indoctrinated in the sanctuaries that exist in the tribal areas, and attacks are launched in major cities on specified targets to create maximum impact. Today’s terrorism has become a dangerous “weapon of the weak.” Terrorists can organize, recruit, and carry out their attack, all while avoiding arrest or face-to-face conventional fighting. Accordingly, weak states and lawless, ungoverned areas serve as a base of operations for terrorist groups. A bloody zone of semi-autonomous anarchy, the tribal areas along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, also known as the tribal belt, has been lawless and ungoverned for centuries. Throughout history and particularly now, a decade and half after the invasion of U.S. forces, Afghanistan’s central government has failed to establish true popular legitimacy in the remote areas, which has weakened the notion of citizenship among the inhabitants, along with their trust and confidence in the government. Instead, tribal people have their own “customary law,” composed of traditional legal codes and legalistic institutionalized procedure aimed at protecting locals’ rights and maintaining cohesiveness and order. This law is efficiently practiced through certain codes and, for those living the remote tribal areas, is far better than the sluggish,...

Afghanistan's Tribal Areas Are Still the Key to the War on Terror

On October 31, a suicide bomber killed six people and wounded six others at a meeting of tribal elders in the eastern province of Nangarhar in Afghanistan. Elders had gathered at a house to resolve internal disputes through a own traditional “jirga” (elders’ gathering). Suicide attacks have increasingly become a major weapon in the hands of terrorists. They cost little, cause huge damage and are difficult to trace and prevent. Moreover, such attacks attract high media attention, inflicting a large psychological impact both upon the masses and governments. Accordingly, suicide bombers have become a prime tool of terror for ISIS and the Taliban. These suicide bombers are mainly trained and indoctrinated in the sanctuaries that exist in the tribal areas, and attacks are launched in major cities on specified targets to create maximum impact. Today’s terrorism has become a dangerous “weapon of the weak.” Terrorists can organize, recruit, and carry out their attack, all while avoiding arrest or face-to-face conventional fighting. Accordingly, weak states and lawless, ungoverned areas serve as a base of operations for terrorist groups. A bloody zone of semi-autonomous anarchy, the tribal areas along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, also known as the tribal belt, has been lawless and ungoverned for centuries. Throughout history and particularly now, a decade and half after the invasion of U.S. forces, Afghanistan’s central government has failed to establish true popular legitimacy in the remote areas, which has weakened the notion of citizenship among the inhabitants, along with their trust and confidence in the government. Instead, tribal people have their own “customary law,” composed of traditional legal codes and legalistic institutionalized procedure aimed at protecting locals’ rights and maintaining cohesiveness and order. This law is efficiently practiced through certain codes and, for those living the remote tribal areas, is far better than the sluggish,...

Trust is Earned When Actions Replace Words

The extension of Afghan refugees repatriation by government of Pakistan till 31st has opened a new window of hope for Afghan Refugees, in order to plan and return back to their homeland. The people of Afghanistan are thankful for the warm welcome of the neighbor Muslim country (Pakistan). The current and former president of Afghanistan always appreciated the people and the government of Pakistan for their hospitality and support. The repatriation of Afghan Refugees is one of the priorities for both government. On the other hand, the returnees from Europe is also another milestone that the Afghan Government should deal with it with support of International community. The statistic from early September shows, more than 225,000 Afghan returned from Pakistan and 245,000 people become IDP’s this year. Many Afghans complained about the abuses and harassment of police but the officials in Pakistan refusing and denying their claims. During Afghan Delegates unofficial interaction with Minister Abdul Qadir Baloch, a retired Lt. General, the same questions raised by Afghan delegation but again the claim was refused very aggressively. More than three decades Afghans are living in Pakistan and many of them are having well established businesses and contributing to the economy of Pakistan but it seems most of Afghan Businessman have serious challenges running their businesses, such as freezed bank accounts, sealed properties. In other word, their business operations are currently stopped. The practicality of the mechanism and designed procedure of repatriation is a question that both government should be hold accountable to answer. Or to make the question simple, “Who and how to ensure, the repatriation is dignified and respectful and to which address the serious issues must be shared”? During course of discussion with Pakistani delegation, the matter of border management was a serious topic for discussion but before stepping into this historical matter, a simple question is in...

$780 Billion US Dollars Later, the Taliban Is Gaining Ground in Afghanistan

Fifteen years after the U.S. invaded Afghanistan to hunt down the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks; thirteen years after former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld declared an end to “major combat” there; five years after al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden was killed; and two years after President Barack Obama announced that most American troops would be withdrawn by the end of 2016 (now 2017), the Taliban continues to claw its way back to power. If there is one thing that is certain in this tumultuous presidential election, it is this: Whoever replaces Obama will have to deal with the mess in Afghanistan that he leaves behind – the one he inherited from George W. Bush almost eight years ago and was unable to clean up. Billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars have been spent trying to build up an Afghan army and instill Western values in a hard-bitten land of warlords and tribal hostilities that has never been successfully controlled or changed by a foreign power. Now a new report by the Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction (SIGAR) that points to a resurgent Taliban and failing social programs – including improving the plight of Afghan women -- begs the question, “Why are we still there?” In its 33rdquarterly report to Congress, SIGAR says that “approximately 63.4% of the country's districts are under Afghan government control or influence as of August 28, 2016, a decrease from the 65.6% reported as of May 28, 2016.” A New York Times story last weekend was even more pointed. Citing UN data, it said that this year the Taliban has gained control of more territory than it has in 15 years. It also said that last week scores of Afghan soldiers surrendered and that September saw surrenders or defections by police officers who abandoned 20 outposts in Oruzgan province. Since 2002, SIGAR reported, the U.S. Congress has appropriated just over $115 billion to support Afghanistan “relief and reconstruction,” including almost $69 billion on security forces. SIGAR breaks...

EU Deportation of Migrants ‘Adds to Afghanistan’s Instability’, Says UN

EU plans to deport Afghan asylum seekers will not only leave tens of thousands of migrants in despair in Afghanistan, but also undermine security in the war-torn country, a top UN human rights expert has warned. “Sending them back now clearly adds to instability,” Chaloka Beyani, UN special rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons, said during a recent visit to Afghanistan. “These people cannot be absorbed into Afghan economic and social life. The government clearly says, ‘Look, we don’t have the capacity.’” This year, 411,327 Afghans have been newly displaced by the conflict, according to UN figures. Another 509,150 Afghans have been ordered to leave Pakistan, bringing the number of “people on the move” inside Afghanistan to almost 2 million, the highest since 2002. The recent EU deal with Afghanistan would put further pressure on the Afghan economy and labour market, strain resources and, according to analysts, might push young men into the ranks of the insurgents. To settle debts, or merely sustain themselves, some families have resorted to marrying off daughters at a young age, said Beyani. Even in urban areas that offer the most economic opportunities, life has become so precarious that residents have had to flee – sometimes more than once. Last year, when Afghan and international forces fought to push out the Taliban from the northern city of Kunduz, Aminullah, 58, hunkered down with his family. As airstrikes took place across the city for days on end, his 10-year-old daughter Bashira, who has Down’s syndrome, went into a state of shock. She did not recover after the family fled east to Takhar province, or when they returned to Kunduz two weeks later. When fighting erupted again last month, the family fled once more, this time to the capital. In camps in Kabul, assistance was scarce. The family of 11 slept under three blankets in a tent. Since last year, Bashira had not been able to walk, or utter more than a few words, said Aminullah....

EU Deportation of Migrants ‘Adds to Afghanistan's Instability’, Says UN

EU plans to deport Afghan asylum seekers will not only leave tens of thousands of migrants in despair in Afghanistan, but also undermine security in the war-torn country, a top UN human rights expert has warned. “Sending them back now clearly adds to instability,” Chaloka Beyani, UN special rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons, said during a recent visit to Afghanistan. “These people cannot be absorbed into Afghan economic and social life. The government clearly says, ‘Look, we don’t have the capacity.’” This year, 411,327 Afghans have been newly displaced by the conflict, according to UN figures. Another 509,150 Afghans have been ordered to leave Pakistan, bringing the number of “people on the move” inside Afghanistan to almost 2 million, the highest since 2002. The recent EU deal with Afghanistan would put further pressure on the Afghan economy and labour market, strain resources and, according to analysts, might push young men into the ranks of the insurgents. To settle debts, or merely sustain themselves, some families have resorted to marrying off daughters at a young age, said Beyani. Even in urban areas that offer the most economic opportunities, life has become so precarious that residents have had to flee – sometimes more than once. Last year, when Afghan and international forces fought to push out the Taliban from the northern city of Kunduz, Aminullah, 58, hunkered down with his family. As airstrikes took place across the city for days on end, his 10-year-old daughter Bashira, who has Down’s syndrome, went into a state of shock. She did not recover after the family fled east to Takhar province, or when they returned to Kunduz two weeks later. When fighting erupted again last month, the family fled once more, this time to the capital. In camps in Kabul, assistance was scarce. The family of 11 slept under three blankets in a tent. Since last year, Bashira had not been able to walk, or utter more than a few words, said Aminullah....