Current Projects

China and CPEC Implementation

The Chinese government is concerned whether projects related to the CPEC will ever be completed in the wake of a growing security threat to Chinese workers and the international difficulties faced by Pakistan. In order to convert existing challenges into opportunities, the Chinese government has activated its state-run think tanks to understand the undercurrents impeding consensus between the provincial and federal governments in Pakistan. As part of this campaign, two Pak-China think tank seminars were held, one each in Islamabad and Beijing, in September. Policymakers from both countries deliberated on the opportunities and challenges of the CPEC. Convinced about the win-win dimension of the CPEC for both countries, the Chinese have become sensitive about any valid or invalid criticism of the CPEC in our smaller provinces. They are reluctant to assume that the criticism in KP and Baltistan aims more at expanding economic benefits for these regions than targeting the CPEC per se. They are taking the political rhetoric and dynamics in the provincial capitals too seriously. Routine bureaucratic delays and inefficiencies are being seen as a calculated move to block the CPEC’s ‘early harvest projects’. Their other biggest worry is the concern about security cover for Chinese workers. They quote how many Chinese workers have been killed, kidnapped or fired at in Balochistan and Sindh in the last three years. They worry that the security situation is likely to deteriorate further. Three factors in their view are not to be ignored in this context: a) the Afghan Taliban are surging in Afghanistan and, therefore, may feel embolden to carry out violent acts in Pakistan; b) India has been providing funds for destabilising Balochistan and no respite is in the offing; and c) American global agenda to prop up India against Pakistan and China will not falter any soon. The net outcome is likely to exacerbate insecurity, not ruling out barbaric violent incidence. While both sides...

The Beginning of Trade Via CPEC; A Historic Moment

Launching of the multi-billion dollar project China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2014 by the two ‘all-weather’ friends has been hailed as a “game-changer” for Pakistan and the entire region. The 3,218 kilometer trade route will connect Kashgar in western China with Gwadar port in Pakistan. After coming into operation, it will provide shorter route for Chinese exports and imports by slashing the current distance of 16,000 km to mere 5,000 km.[1] In addition to attracting the flow of Chinese imports and exports, CPEC is set to bring massive investments, develop energy and industrial infrastructure and creation of thousands of jobs in Pakistan. That historic moment arrived on Monday when hundreds of Chinese trucks loaded with goods entered Sost dry port in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) and formally operationalized CPEC.[2] Forty-five of the Chinese containers left for Gwadar port after getting clearance from the custom authorities. The remaining containers will be moved once such clearance is given.[3] Chief Minister of GB Hafeezur Rehman and Force Command Northern Areas Maj Gen Saqib Mahmud Malik attended the inaugural ceremony. Chief Minister said that CPEC will change the fate of GB and that one thousand Chinese containers will pass every week through Karakoram highway. This analysis is written by Abdur Rehman Shah, Research Associate at the Center for Research and Security Studies. [1] Ebrahim, Zofeen T., (2016, May 12). China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: a boon for the economy, a bane for the locals. Retrieved on November 2, 2016, from http://www.dawn.com/news/1236159 [2] Mir, Shabbir, (2016, November 1). First Chinese Shipment rolls into Sost dry port. Retrieved on November 3, 2016, from http://tribune.com.pk/story/1216912/first-chinese-shipment-rolls-sost-dry-port-g-b/ [3] Nagri, Jamil, (2016, November 1). First trade activity kicks off under CPEC. Retrieved on November 3, 2016 from...

Taking On Militants: A Fight For The Soul Of Pakistan

Two high-level meetings in recent months involving senior military commanders and intelligence officials and/or top-level government representatives spotlight Pakistan’s difficulty in coming to grips with domestic and regional political violence resulting from decades of support of militant Islamist and jihadist groups for foreign policy and ideological reasons. Overcoming those difficulties could determine Pakistan’s future, the nature of its society and its place in the world. The first of those meeting was a gathering in August of Pakistani military commanders in the wake of a massive bombing in Quetta that killed some 70 people and wiped out a generation of lawyers in the province of Baluchistan. The commanders concluded that the attack constituted a sinister foreign-inspired plot that aimed to thwart their effort to root out political violence. Their analysis stroked with their selective military campaign aimed at confronting specific groups like the Pakistani Taliban and the Sunni-Muslim Lashkar-e-Jhangvi rather than any organization that engages in political violence and/or targets minorities. The commanders’ approach failed to acknowledge the real lesson of Quetta: decades of Pakistani military and intelligence support underwritten by funding from Saudi Arabia for sectarian and ultra-conservative groups and religious schools in Pakistan that has divided the country almost irreversibly. Generations of religious students have their critical faculties stymied by rote learning and curricula dominated by memorization of exclusionary beliefs and prejudice resulting in bigotry and misogyny woven into the fabric of Pakistani society. “The enemy within is not a fringe... Large sections of society sympathize with these groups. They fund them, directly and indirectly. They provide them recruits. They reject the Constitution and the system. They don’t just live in the ‘bad lands’ but could be our neighbours. The forces have not only to operate in areas in the...

Democracy There and Here?

Lust for political power, permit, patronage and privileges stand out as the hallmark of a democracy (or the absence of it). This is in sharp contrast to most functional democracies, where political power fundamentally means passion, prestige, preservation of the rule of law and humility. There, most leading political leaders and generals alike go back to their modest two or three room apartments, often driving themselves, once their term finishes. Here, an army of police and para-military lead and tail our politicians — even if out of office, living in mansions to match the prowess of Arab sheikhs. There, retiring presidents and prime ministers create think tanks, educational foundations and social issue advocacy centres for the collective good and welfare. Here, our leading lights end up beefing up their personal accounts and doubling (I am being modest) their private businesses. There, it is considered a conflict of interest. Here, it is considered privilege and smartness to use the official office for raising personal finances and business stakes. There, ministers and members of parliament resign if caught overspending public money or unauthorised spending. Here, our prime ministers and their deputies dole out public money to cronies, journalists and PR firms — directly or through Pakistani diplomatic missions. Here, a Nawaz League associate thinks that roughly Rs100,000, that a three or four members of a family earn at his factory, is more than they need. Contrast this situation with the same amount going into a family dinner for the same gentleman at a 5-star hotel in Pakistan itself. There, the fear of accountability and the certainty of punishment deters heads of governments and their ministers from any unauthorized expense. Here, our ruling elites dig into public kitty to shower favours on friends, media henchmen, and bureaucrats. Bhuttos, Zardaris, Sharifs, and Generals alike have been doing this; feting cronies and media czars in Washington, London,...

UN Demands Afghanistan End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists

Media defenders in Afghanistan say at least 11 journalists have died and hundreds more forced to flee from fighting in the first 10 months of 2016, making it the deadliest year for the country. The Afghan Journalists Safety Committee, a local media watchdog, says more than 60 journalists have been killed in the country in the past 16 years and authorities never investigated those deaths. "The cycle of violence and impunity in Afghanistan has been a longstanding challenge, but has been particularly troubling for journalists over the course of the last year," says Pernille Dahler Kardel of the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). She told a seminar Wednesday in Kabul that local watchdogs have reported to UNAMA that hundreds of Afghan male and female reporters have been forced to flee the conflict zone in the past year. But Kardel asserted that conflict-related situations are not the only real threat to journalists, citing intimidation and harassment as other sources, particularly in cases in which journalists tried to tell corruption stories. "Impunity emboldens perpetrators and feeds into a vicious cycle. Fear and self-censorship among the media are real issues that end up denying the public the right to information and diminishing confidence in the rule of law." The UNAMA official praised the Afghan government for issuing new legislation and declaring its commitment to fight impunity for crimes against journalists. But she echoed demands by local media monitors for addressing the culture of impunity through effective implementation of laws. Kardel was speaking to mark the U.N. International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists This article originally appeared on www.voanews.com, 02, November, 2016. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.

Afghanistan's Corruption Epidemic Is Wasting Billions in Aid

When I worked as an adviser to the Afghanistan government, even the smallest of infrastructure projects became politicised and overshadowed by corruption. When the ministry wanted to provide clean water to villagers, it was sometimes only possible if private companies belonging to local power brokers – usually MPs, district administrators or police chiefs – were given the construction contracts. If they didn’t win the bid, they would take their share through extortion. Sometimes, the ministry’s facilitating partners lost their machinery, or found them on fire while working on our road projects because they hadn’t paid a bribe to the armed groups that controlled the project area. My ministry, the ministry of rural development, was the most important arm of government. We were involved in nearly 35,000 of the roughly 40,000 villages across the country. In the process, we provided around 70% of Afghans with vital infrastructure, such as midwife clinics, schools, waterworks, bridges, roads, women’s training centres, or solar power projects. This was genuinely important work for genuinely needy people – and yet it was often disrupted by the corruption of the political class, who would, one way or another, find a way of getting their hands on the money. And where was the money was coming from? It came from the pockets of the taxpayers in EU, UK, US, Canada, and Australia. I have since left Afghanistan, but I was recently reminded of my former life when European leaders gathered in Brussels to give $3bn (£2.45bn) to Afghanistan. The UK alone announced £750m in aid for the coming three years. As a former government official, and a former UN staffer in Afghanistan, I have concerns about how this money will be spent. What safeguards are in place to ensure that the money benefits Afghans? Will a farmer in a remote village benefit from these donations after they seep through various corrupted layers of government? Will it help a deported asylum seeker to build a new life? I...

Afghanistan’s Corruption Epidemic Is Wasting Billions in Aid

When I worked as an adviser to the Afghanistan government, even the smallest of infrastructure projects became politicised and overshadowed by corruption. When the ministry wanted to provide clean water to villagers, it was sometimes only possible if private companies belonging to local power brokers – usually MPs, district administrators or police chiefs – were given the construction contracts. If they didn’t win the bid, they would take their share through extortion. Sometimes, the ministry’s facilitating partners lost their machinery, or found them on fire while working on our road projects because they hadn’t paid a bribe to the armed groups that controlled the project area. My ministry, the ministry of rural development, was the most important arm of government. We were involved in nearly 35,000 of the roughly 40,000 villages across the country. In the process, we provided around 70% of Afghans with vital infrastructure, such as midwife clinics, schools, waterworks, bridges, roads, women’s training centres, or solar power projects. This was genuinely important work for genuinely needy people – and yet it was often disrupted by the corruption of the political class, who would, one way or another, find a way of getting their hands on the money. And where was the money was coming from? It came from the pockets of the taxpayers in EU, UK, US, Canada, and Australia. I have since left Afghanistan, but I was recently reminded of my former life when European leaders gathered in Brussels to give $3bn (£2.45bn) to Afghanistan. The UK alone announced £750m in aid for the coming three years. As a former government official, and a former UN staffer in Afghanistan, I have concerns about how this money will be spent. What safeguards are in place to ensure that the money benefits Afghans? Will a farmer in a remote village benefit from these donations after they seep through various corrupted layers of government? Will it help a deported asylum seeker to build a new life? I...

Afghanistan's Tribal Areas Are Still the Key to the War on Terror

On October 31, a suicide bomber killed six people and wounded six others at a meeting of tribal elders in the eastern province of Nangarhar in Afghanistan. Elders had gathered at a house to resolve internal disputes through a own traditional “jirga” (elders’ gathering). Suicide attacks have increasingly become a major weapon in the hands of terrorists. They cost little, cause huge damage and are difficult to trace and prevent. Moreover, such attacks attract high media attention, inflicting a large psychological impact both upon the masses and governments. Accordingly, suicide bombers have become a prime tool of terror for ISIS and the Taliban. These suicide bombers are mainly trained and indoctrinated in the sanctuaries that exist in the tribal areas, and attacks are launched in major cities on specified targets to create maximum impact. Today’s terrorism has become a dangerous “weapon of the weak.” Terrorists can organize, recruit, and carry out their attack, all while avoiding arrest or face-to-face conventional fighting. Accordingly, weak states and lawless, ungoverned areas serve as a base of operations for terrorist groups. A bloody zone of semi-autonomous anarchy, the tribal areas along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, also known as the tribal belt, has been lawless and ungoverned for centuries. Throughout history and particularly now, a decade and half after the invasion of U.S. forces, Afghanistan’s central government has failed to establish true popular legitimacy in the remote areas, which has weakened the notion of citizenship among the inhabitants, along with their trust and confidence in the government. Instead, tribal people have their own “customary law,” composed of traditional legal codes and legalistic institutionalized procedure aimed at protecting locals’ rights and maintaining cohesiveness and order. This law is efficiently practiced through certain codes and, for those living the remote tribal areas, is far better than the sluggish,...

Afghanistan’s Tribal Areas Are Still the Key to the War on Terror

On October 31, a suicide bomber killed six people and wounded six others at a meeting of tribal elders in the eastern province of Nangarhar in Afghanistan. Elders had gathered at a house to resolve internal disputes through a own traditional “jirga” (elders’ gathering). Suicide attacks have increasingly become a major weapon in the hands of terrorists. They cost little, cause huge damage and are difficult to trace and prevent. Moreover, such attacks attract high media attention, inflicting a large psychological impact both upon the masses and governments. Accordingly, suicide bombers have become a prime tool of terror for ISIS and the Taliban. These suicide bombers are mainly trained and indoctrinated in the sanctuaries that exist in the tribal areas, and attacks are launched in major cities on specified targets to create maximum impact. Today’s terrorism has become a dangerous “weapon of the weak.” Terrorists can organize, recruit, and carry out their attack, all while avoiding arrest or face-to-face conventional fighting. Accordingly, weak states and lawless, ungoverned areas serve as a base of operations for terrorist groups. A bloody zone of semi-autonomous anarchy, the tribal areas along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, also known as the tribal belt, has been lawless and ungoverned for centuries. Throughout history and particularly now, a decade and half after the invasion of U.S. forces, Afghanistan’s central government has failed to establish true popular legitimacy in the remote areas, which has weakened the notion of citizenship among the inhabitants, along with their trust and confidence in the government. Instead, tribal people have their own “customary law,” composed of traditional legal codes and legalistic institutionalized procedure aimed at protecting locals’ rights and maintaining cohesiveness and order. This law is efficiently practiced through certain codes and, for those living the remote tribal areas, is far better than the sluggish,...

Trust is Earned When Actions Replace Words

The extension of Afghan refugees repatriation by government of Pakistan till 31st has opened a new window of hope for Afghan Refugees, in order to plan and return back to their homeland. The people of Afghanistan are thankful for the warm welcome of the neighbor Muslim country (Pakistan). The current and former president of Afghanistan always appreciated the people and the government of Pakistan for their hospitality and support. The repatriation of Afghan Refugees is one of the priorities for both government. On the other hand, the returnees from Europe is also another milestone that the Afghan Government should deal with it with support of International community. The statistic from early September shows, more than 225,000 Afghan returned from Pakistan and 245,000 people become IDP’s this year. Many Afghans complained about the abuses and harassment of police but the officials in Pakistan refusing and denying their claims. During Afghan Delegates unofficial interaction with Minister Abdul Qadir Baloch, a retired Lt. General, the same questions raised by Afghan delegation but again the claim was refused very aggressively. More than three decades Afghans are living in Pakistan and many of them are having well established businesses and contributing to the economy of Pakistan but it seems most of Afghan Businessman have serious challenges running their businesses, such as freezed bank accounts, sealed properties. In other word, their business operations are currently stopped. The practicality of the mechanism and designed procedure of repatriation is a question that both government should be hold accountable to answer. Or to make the question simple, “Who and how to ensure, the repatriation is dignified and respectful and to which address the serious issues must be shared”? During course of discussion with Pakistani delegation, the matter of border management was a serious topic for discussion but before stepping into this historical matter, a simple question is in...