Current Projects
Afghanistan’s Quest for Regional Cooperation
Afghanistan’s regional policy is not constructed around local rivalries. On December 4, the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process was held in Amritsar, India. The Heart of Asia process was launched in 2011 as a new and complementary framework for enhancing dialogue and consensus for regional cooperation and stability. In his opening remarks at the conference, Afghan President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani reiterated that regional connectivity, development and counterterrorism are inevitable measures for the future stability of Afghanistan and the Heart of Asia region as a whole. As the center of the Heart of Asia, Afghanistan has the potential to serve as a hub of connectivity between China, Central Asia, the Middle East and South Asia. As a crucial part of the ancient Silk Road, Afghanistan is trying to restore its historical position to play a substantive role in regional stability and connectivity. Challenges such as terrorism, radicalization as a sociopolitical process, bilateral rivalries and economic fragmentation are undermining the future revival of the Silk Road. As such, any cooperation and connectivity along the Silk Road network requires strong international support and a cooperative approach by regional players. BAD NEIGHBORS This type of cooperation has been particularly high on the Afghan government’s agenda since 2001. In September 2014, President Ghani highlighted the new government’s emphasis on regional cooperation in his inauguration speech: “For stability, security and economic development, we will try to reach to a regional cooperation pact with all our neighbors. Accepting the legitimacy of each individual government shall constitute the basis of our regional cooperation pact.” On January 26, 2007, Rangin Dadfar Spanta, the former minister of foreign affairs, emphasized: “[T]he realities of a globalizing world command us to move towards further regional cooperation and integration on many fronts.” Similarly, in May...
‘Collective Punishment’ In Pakistan’s Tribal Areas
On November 1, following the death of a Pakistan Army major, the political agent ordered the demolition of a two-story market in Wana, South Waziristan, citing a clause of collective responsibility and punishment in the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR). This was yet another example of a constitutional dilemma that Pakistan is currently facing while dealing with its fragile periphery, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Where the rest of Pakistani territory is governed under the country’s constitution, the FATA region, on the other hand, is still governed under the primitive and colonial era FCR. There were different accounts — both from local and foreign media — of what triggered this massive action by the security forces. The local administration and the office of the political agent suggest that action was taken after an improvised explosive device killed a Pakistan Army officer during a raid on a weapons shop. Eyewitness accounts could not verify the local administration’s version. Ali Wazir, the owner of the demolished Al Muhib market, was justified in his dismay when he asked whether the security forces would have reacted in the same manner had the incident taken place in a settled area of Pakistan. Wazir’s agony is shared by a number of tribal Pashtuns, who feel let down by the political and ruling elites. In the view of locals, officials are not trying hard enough to abolish the FCR; thus locals must suffer even for mistakes committed by others. A local resident of Wana told me how dejected the locals felt about the military’s actions. According to him, Al Muhib market was the “heart of Wana,” and a frequent gathering spot for the locals. He further revealed that even though the military had apprehended the Afghan suspect selling arms, it felt completely unfair to demolish dozens of shops, a fuel station, and hotels in retaliation, depriving more than 150 families of their livelihoods. Another local also spoke well of Ali Wazir, whom he felt...
NYT Writer is Absolutely Right: Delhi is Literally a Shithole; But So is All of India
In his 1960 exploration of eastern mysticism, The Lotus and the Robot, Arthur Koestler compared the smell of Bombay to that of “a wet smelly diaper” wrapped around his head. Four years later, VS Naipaul was so revulsed about the filth in India that he wrote in an Area of Darkness that “Indians defecate everywhere ” - beside the railway tracks, on the beaches, on the hills, on the riverbanks and on the streets. “They never look for cover,” he said with absolute disgust. India was smarter than Koestler and Naipaul — it promptly banned both the books. When the South Asia correspondent of New York Times, Gardiner Harris, wrote on 29 May (Holding Your Breath in India) — that Delhi is an unliveable place because of pollution and that he left the city to safeguard his son’s health, the outrage was similar. There was no possibility of banning an article on the Internet, but angry Indians took to social media and slammed Harris for being an elitist expat. Some said while he was over-protective over his child, he had scant regard for the Indian children in Delhi who had no option but to live there, little realising that his voice was that of a frustrated father, who doesn’t have to put his family through the perils of living in a dirty city. Harris wrote: “Foreigners have lived in Delhi for centuries, of course, but the air and the mounting research into its effects have become so frightening that some feel it is unethical for those who have a choice to willingly raise children here. Similar discussions are doubtless underway in Beijing and other Asian megacities, but it is in Delhi — among the most populous, polluted, unsanitary and bacterially unsafe cities on earth — where the new calculus seems most urgent.” He hits where it hurts. The capital of a super power aspirant, a country which is projected to become the world’s third biggest economy in 2020, has been described as “among the most populous, polluted, unsanitary and bacterially unsafe cities on earth”. He...
Russia, Daesh and Afghanistan
Statements by the Russian ambassador in Kabul, Alexander Mantytskiy, over the weekend caused quite an uproar in the Afghan capital, first by holding a press conference on Thursday, and then by appearing before the Afghan senate two days later after lawmakers had demanded an explanation on Moscow’s ties to the Taliban. On both occasions, the ambassador strongly defended Russia’s outreach to the Taliban, expressed suspicions about the dubious nature of Daesh/IS and reiterated concerns about the link between terrorism and narcotics originating in Afghanistan. In an unusual and bold appearance before the Afghan parliament’s upper house, the ambassador asked if US, Britain, Italy, Qatar and Saudi Arabia maintain contacts with them then why is it an issue if “we are also talking to them.” Our “limited contacts” are aimed at bringing the Taliban to the negotiating table and to ensuring the safety of Russian citizens, he explained. A senior Afghan security official, according to Reuters, called the Russian support for the Taliban a “dangerous new trend.” The US commander in Afghanistan, General John Nicholson, too, told a recent briefing in Washington that Russia had joined Iran and Pakistan as countries with a “malign influence” in Afghanistan, and said Moscow was lending legitimacy to the Taliban. But Mantytskiy brushed aside these accusations; if the Afghans don’t object to the Russo-China-Indian dialogue on Afghanistan, why is it an issue if a similar discussion is happening between Pakistan, Russia and China, quipped Mantytskiy. All three countries share concerns such as the threat of Daesh, terrorism and narcotics, he pointed out. The second big issue that cause furor among many Afghans were the ambassador’s curious questions on the origins of the support for Daesh/IS. “It is for your intelligence agency to determine who is supporting Daesh, who is funding them, who is arming them…whose project is this,” said Mantytskiy, when journalists pressed for an answer....
Press Release: The EU Police Mission in Afghanistan Comes To A Successful Close After Nine Years Of Progress
After nearly a decade of successfully supporting civilian policing in Afghanistan, the European Union Police Mission in Afghanistan (EUPOL Afghanistan) will come to an end on 31 December 2016. EUPOL Afghanistan, working in close partnership with the Afghan Government, has achieved concrete progress in several key areas: the professionalization of the Afghan National Police; the introduction of the community policing concept to Afghanistan; increasing the capacity of the Afghan Ministry of Interior; and bringing Afghan legislation in line with relevant human rights standards. EUPOL Afghanistan is a civilian mission, operating since 2007 under the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Its support has been mainly delivered by police experts from the EU and other contributing countries, advising the Afghan Ministry of Interior Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. To prepare for the end of the EUPOL mandate, a comprehensive phasing-out plan has been developed, which includes ensuring a sustainable transition of activities to the EUPOL's local and international partners. The European Union has a long-term commitment to Afghanistan and its people, and to supporting peace and stability in the country. The EU remains committed to support Afghanistan in the field of civilian policing and contributing to the further development of sustainable and effective civilian policing arrangements under Afghan ownership. This article originally appeared on www.eeas.europa.eu, 14 December, 2016. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.
America Risks Losing The War On Terror In Afghanistan Unless It Legalizes The Opium Trade
According to a recently released report by the Afghan Ministry of Counter Narcotics and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), opium production in Afghanistan has risen by 43% in the last year. The country’s drug trade employs some 2.9 million people—12% of the Afghan population—and generates approximately $68 billion in revenue a year. This increase comes despite the fact that drug eradication policies have been a cornerstone of US policy in Afghanistan since the invasion in 2001. In fact, winning the war on drugs in Afghanistan has been described as essential for winning the war on terror. The US government has spent some $12 billion in eradication efforts—more than four times the size of the entire pre-invasion economy. Yet, Afghanistan now supplies around 90% of the world’s opium. This expansion of the opium economy in the face of such vast prevention efforts is actually a wholly predictable consequence of US drug policy. Economics teaches us that banning a substance does not make it go away. Instead, it pushes the market into an underground or “black” market. Black markets lead to higher prices for banned goods. The higher prices for illegal opium have proved Afghan citizens a major incentive to produce opium on a scale never seen before. As if the increase in the Afghan opium supply and $12 billion weren’t enough to illustrate the utter failure of US operations in Afghanistan, consider the fact that anti-drug operations have actually worked to strengthen the Taliban and undermine the war on terror. Again, economics can tell us why. In addition to creating black markets, another classic consequence of prohibition is the rise of cartels. Enticed by the potential for high profits, organized crime may find lucrative business opportunities manufacturing and selling illegal goods. Cartels form in a variety of illegal drug markets—from Chinese opium gangs in the early 1900s to Pablo Escobar’s multi-billion dollar cocaine empire in Colombia to...
Sabawoon Showcase: Regional Review of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
The latest episode of Sabawoon, flagship radio program of Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), focused on the problems of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Bannu, revival of sports activities in Fedeally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and the problems of farmers in Charsadda. The program also highlighted the issues of local residents due to lack of communication facilities in Kurram Agency. The program, under the theme “Da Semi Jaaj” (regional review) was aired on Tuesday. Mr. Imran Wazir, spokesperson of Federal Disaster Management Authority (FDMA) and Mr. Shahid Shinwari, organizer of FATA Olympic Association shared their views as guests on telephone. Five radio reports from different parts of KP and FATA related to program’s central themes were made the part of the program. The first report presented the prevailing situation of Waziristan Agency’s IDPs residing in Bannu. The report stated that approximately 200 families were there in Bannu and they had been banned by the government from getting financial support and food ration for the last five months. They were living miserable lives in rented houses and had no financial backup to support their expenses. The report added that these IDPs were struggling to get employed. To bring their issues to governement’s notice, they had staged a strike against the political administration and FDMA. The IDPs said that they had held several meetings with the political administration but no action has been taken by them so far. The second report shed light on the farmers’ problem in Charsadda district. The report quoted that 80 percent people of Charsadda were dependent on agriculture sector but due to no rains and water shortages, 50 percent of the crops were affected this year. This has bankrupted the farmers and they are helpless to find a solution to this problem. Mr. Haleem Ullah, a local farmer in Charsadda, said: “We don’t have any proper system to water the corps. The rivers are dried up and there...
CHINA WATCH [DECEMBER 6- 13] ‘WARRIOR-4’ EXERCISE
The successful conclusion of counter-terrorism exercise between the special forces of China and Pakistan was the leading story of this week. Pakistan and China launched a web portal about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Chinese Commander of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), Western Theatre, General Zhao Zongqi met the Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa at General Headquarters (GHQ) Rawalpindi. Pakistan Navy has established ‘Task Force-88’ (TF-88) for the seaward security of Gwadar port and protection of associated sea lanes. The second round of the negotiations of the second phase of China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (FTA) was held on December 6-7 in Islamabad. Pakistan and China inked the third protocol to the Avoidance of Double Taxation Agreement. The Secretary General of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazal (JUI-F), Ghafoor Haideri has urged the government to address the reservations of KP and Balochistan on CPEC. Warrior-4 Exercise: The two-month long Pakistan-China exercise ‘Warrior-4’ focused on high impact counter-terrorism operations both in rural and urban areas came to conclusion at the National Counter-Terrorism Center (NCTC) at Pabbi on Thursday. Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Qamnar Javed Bajwa visited NCTC to witness the concluding session of the exercise between the special forces of both the countries.[1] In his speech the COAS said that shared experiences had improved the counter-terror combat skills of both Chinese and Pakistani forces and had also integrated the armies of the two countries. Later the Chinese Military Commander praised the Pakistan Army for its highest standard of training and skills and said that it was an asset that China would continue to benefit from.[2] Though far lower in scale as compared to that of Pakistan, China also has witnessed terrorist activities in the western region of Xinijang. Against this backdrop, joint counter-terrorism exercises with Pakistani forces which have extensive experience in the...
ISKP’s Battle for Minds: What Are Its Main Messages and Who Do They Attract?
The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) uses propaganda to carve out new space in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s already crowded jihadi landscape. It uses popular media and promotes a distinct narrative of Salafi-jihadism tailored to local preferences and focused on specific themes. In the first part of this dispatch, AAN’s Borhan Osman analyses the propaganda messages ISKP uses to try to recruit Afghans. In the second part, he takes a closer look at the impact these messages have on their target audience. In its previous dispatches on ISKP, AAN focused on its emergence as an insurgent group and franchise of the Iraq/Syria-based ‘Islamic State’ (Daesh) in Afghanistan, as well as adjacent parts of Pakistan; why Nangarhar became the locus of the group; and the strength of its Kabul cell that claimed three major attacks (one of them targeting a western embassy’s private guards and two others on Shia gatherings in the capital). With this, we have characterised a new ‘sender’ – the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) – in Afghanistan’s war theatre (and the wider region to which the ISKP refers as “Khorasan” (1)). This war, importantly, is also a propaganda war. In this part of our series on the ISKP, we turn to its message and the channels over which it is spread in an attempt to assess the impact it could have on its target audience. ISKP’s use of media ISKP uses several media platforms to spread its propaganda. This includes through Afghanistan’s most popular medium, the radio (given the country’s high rates of illiteracy), as well as through social media, which is extremely popular among young Afghans. ISKP maintains an on-and-off FM radio station, Khilafat Ghag (Voice of the Caliphate), diffused throughout most of Nangarhar and parts of Kunar. It has issued dozens of short propaganda films, brochures and e-books and efficiently uses social media – Facebook, Twitter and Telegram – to publicise its statements and reach out to potential recruits. ISKP’s visual...
Changing Ties
ONE of Pakistan’s greatest diplomatic achievements during the Cold War was to simultaneously enjoy strong ties with the United States and China. With the end of the Cold War and the retreat of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, this triangular relationship has changed. Pakistan’s ties to Beijing have never been stronger, while ties to Washington are once again troubled. Nothing symbolises this shift more than CPEC. China has offered Pakistan over $50 billion in investments for critical infrastructure projects as prospects for greater financial and military assistance from Washington dim. Washington has good reasons to be supportive — or at least not negative — about CPEC. If Pakistan can raise its game and make the most of this opportunity, CPEC will not just be one more external lending stream, it can help Pakistan achieve sustainable economic growth, one predicate for national, if not regional stability. There are, however, challenges to be overcome before extravagant visions of CPEC can be realised. Thriving port cities depend on location and historic patterns of commerce. Habitual Pakistani frictions between provinces and civil-military relations are complicating the takeoff stage. Beijing does not have a track record of philanthropy with respect to foreign investments. CPEC is not a gift; it’s a mutual opportunity, accompanied with interest rates. And Pakistan is in no position to drive hard bargains. The US may not compete with China for influence in Pakistan. The upswing in China-Pakistan relations extends well beyond CPEC. Beijing is also helping Pakistan by placing road blocks before India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group and preventing the UN from adding Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar to its listing of terrorists. In contrast, the US Defence Authorisation Act passed by the Congress conditions half of the assistance given to Pakistan on demonstrable steps against terror groups. Not that long ago, in 2009, Washington decided to make a...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.