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Analysis: Can The Supreme Court Ban India’s Communal Habit?
The Supreme Court of India on Monday reportedly prohibited politicians from using peoples’ religion or caste to garner their votes, and the verdict has been described as one that could force political parties to change their strategy for the coming elections. The court had expressed a similar view in October. “No politician can seek a vote in the name of caste, creed or religion,” said Chief Justice T.S. Thakur in an order, adding that election process must be a “secular exercise” Gandhiji said of the western civilisation that it was a good idea. The same can be said on behalf of the apex court’s verdict. It is a good idea. However, it looks untenable in its execution. Clever politicians seldom appeal directly to their constituents to vote according to their religion or caste. More often in practice it is done deviously. For example, some people may ‘discover’ in an Uttar Pradesh village, bang on the eve of its state polls, that a Muslim ironsmith had slaughtered a cow for his daughter’s wedding. The dubious discovery could be enough of a trigger for a violent communal polarisation, without the politician lifting a finger. The country is replete with any number of permutations that could easily waylay the Supreme Court’s judgment without inviting contempt proceedings. Examine: Is it safe to be a communal peace hero in India? If the Supreme Court prohibited the media against fanning religious trouble, on the other hand, which is how communalism gets oxygen, it could begin to help stem the rot. Another approach to deter the use of communalism in politics can be to speed up the cases in communal riots. For example, punish the guilty in the one involving the demolition of the Babri masjid in Ayodhya. Deterring hate speech could be another condition to make politics less communalism-prone and that is a major challenge. Narrow nationalsim Does the ambit of communalism include narrow nationalism, for example, the act of calling Indian Muslims agents of Pakistan?...
Pakistan muddles along
Pakistan has endured over a decade of political discord, security crises and prolonged military rule. In 2016, the fragile civilian-led government experienced both setbacks and successes following this legacy of instability. Back in 2013, Pakistan underwent an unusual military to civil transition, beginning with the appointment of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in democratic elections in June. In November of that year, General Ashfaq Kayani handed the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) baton to General Raheel Sharif. And in December, Iftikhar Chaudhry — the iconic yet controversial chief justice — also retired. In November 2016, General Qamar Hayat Bajwa was appointed the new COAS and in December Sharif picked Lieutenant-General Naveed Mukhtar as the head of the Inter-Services Intelligence Agency. These new appointments were a huge step forward in Pakistan’s troubled journey to becoming a civilian-led government. They also meant that the country saw the backs of three generals in a span of just eight years. During this period the army’s control over certain issues — such as terrorism — increased, as the federal and provincial civilian governments kept ceding space to the army due to the government’s own disunity and weakness. On several occasions General Sharif cautioned the government against corruption and poor governance as his power and popularity grew. Beyond domestic political transition, Pakistan also negotiated a difficult international environment in 2016. In terms of Pakistan–Afghanistan relations, General Sharif began discussions with Afghanistan’s President Ashraf Ghani in earnest as he was determined to drag the Taliban to the table. But he was thwarted on all sides by various vested interests within the two countries’ intelligence agencies. By November 2016, relations between the two countries were at rock bottom and some of the dreaded Pakistan Taliban factions embodied by the Tehreeke Taliban Pakistan (TTP) had begun morphing into the so-called Islamic State...
The Economics of CPEC
In a country where negativity and cynicism reign supreme, critics and detractors of all kinds are revered, and emotional outbursts and fabricated stories dominate the air waves and social media, it is difficult to present a dispassionate analysis of national issues. Since China announced the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), more time and energy has been spent in finding faults, poking holes and raising doubts based on speculation and conjecture. Had this investment been announced in another developing country, the national reaction would be: how do we plan to ensure maximisation of benefits to the economy? What are the weaknesses and deficiencies in the existing set-up we need to overcome? But this type of thinking is not in our DNA. We are either in a mood for celebration and self-congratulations or outright condemnation and depiction of exaggerated pitfalls. There are three types of reservations against CPEC. First, those who believe that this whole endeavour is designed to benefit Punjab to the neglect of the three smaller provinces. Fanning parochial and ethnic prejudices, doubts are created about the narrow impact of these projects. Second, that the country would be saddled with costly external loans and outflows forcing Pakistan to go for another bailout. Frightening numbers such as totals of $110 billion are floating around. Third, some Baloch youth believe that they would become a minority in their own province. Mistrust and not perceived economic gains underlies such anxiety. The government has not helped matters as it has not placed all the data and information about capital structure, detailed sources of financing, project sponsors etc pertaining to CPEC, in the public domain. There are three types of reservations against CPEC. How can we address them? This article, to allay some of the reservations, proposes that the Planning Commission and PIDE use the well-established framework of cost-benefit analysis to evaluate and monitor the net benefits...
The Non-Pashtun Taleban of The North: A Case Study From Badakhshan
The Taleban movement is winning ground in the northern province of Badakhshan, a province that was never conquered when the Taleban were in power in the 1990s. Over the past two years, a new generation of largely Tajik Taleban has come to pose a serious challenge for the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) : a number of districts have changed hands between the ANSF and insurgents, and two strategic districts are now insurgent strongholds. Its success seems partly due to a recruitment policy that – in contrast to the 1990s – favours local non-Pashtuns for key provincial positions and as fighters. In this provincial case study, AAN’s Obaid Ali analyses the Taleban’s new recruitment policy and how it has strengthened the movement (with input from Borhan Osman and Thomas Ruttig). In 2004, as the insurgency began to gather pace, setting up a shadow administration was one of the Taleban’s major political strategies for controlling both territory and population. Over the years, in the Tajik and Uzbek-dominated provinces in the north, the movement increasingly appointed local non-Pashtuns, from shadow governors – both at the provincial and district level – to judges and heads of provincial committees. In Badakhshan, a Tajik-dominated province, most Taleban posts are now occupied by Tajiks. The shift in the movement’s recruitment strategy seems to have had a visible impact on its battlefield gains in Badakhshan. To put this into historical perspective, a comparison of the Taleban’s recruitment in Badakhshan during the current insurgency period and the movement’s years of rule, is useful. Badakhshan’s contribution to the Taleban regime during the 1990s During the Taleban regime in the 1990s, there were no more than a handful of high-ranking Taleb figures from Badakhshan. They were: Mawlawi Sayed Ghiasuddin, a Tajik from Badakhshan who served among the Taleban leadership soon after the formation of the movementin the mid-1990s; Qari Din Muhammad Hanif, a Tajik originally...
Terrorism Equally Threatening Afghanistan and Pakistan: Pak Army Chief
Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa has said terrorism and extremism equally threatens Afghanistan and Pakistan as he pledged full support to cooperate in eliminate the menace of terror. The Office of the Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah said Gen. Bajwa conveyed the message during a telephone conversation on Saturday afternoon. Reiterating Pakistan’s hope for a peaceful and stable Afghanistan, Gen. Bajwa said ‘He is hopeful the two brotherly nations work together for a lasting peace considering the current challenges and threats the two countries are facing.’ According to a statement by Chief Executive’s Office, Gen. Bajwa has called extremism and terrorism a joint threat to both the nations as he pledged full support by Pakistan to eliminate the shared threats. In his turn, CE Abdullah congratulated Gen. Bajwa for his appointment as the new Chief of Staff of Pakistan’s army and said terrorism and extremism poses a serious threat for peace and stability of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Abdullah further added that both Afghanistan and Pakistan should work closely to fight the menace of terrorism and extremism in a bid to ensure peace and stability of the region. This article originally appeared on www.khaama.com, January 01, 2017. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.
The Decline of Afghanistan’s Hindu And Sikh Communities
Hidden in plain sight, on a poorly lit busy road, the exteriors of the Asmayee temple are deceiving - a plain, old building that could easily be confused for any other building in Kabul. In contrast, the mosque next door stands out with its beautiful, intricate architecture. The call for evening prayers from the mosque intertwines with the sounds of the Hindu chants resonating from within the halls of the temple. Several finely dressed, middle-aged women, move in and out of the many rooms of the vast temple complex, offering prayers and lighting candles. There are seven rooms built in a circle that serve as the temple for the various Hindu goddesses and gods, and one expansive hall, colourfully decorated and covered in Persian carpets, that serves as the community prayer room. The women celebrate separately from the men. There is also a separate dining hall and community kitchen for the men and women who come to the temple. Ramnath, 25, explains that "this is because the culture among Afghan Hindus is predominantly Pashtun". Over the years, Hinduism in Afghanistansurvived and thrived in Pashtun-dominant provinces, resulting in a confluence of cultures that combines practices and rituals of the region. "If you go up the hill, there is another small temple of the Sherawali," says Ramnath, referring to the Hindu goddess Durga by one of her many names. "It was said that years ago, a white river of milk flowed down from the foot of the statue of the goddess to Kabul. This is how this place got its name joy-e-sheer, which translates to 'stream of milk' from Dari," Ramnath tells as the men gather quietly in one of the rooms over a cup of tea. Ramnath, like many Afghans, only uses one name. "Of course, those are reminiscent tales of the past. Who can tell how much of that legend is true?" he adds. A history of diversity and repression Afghanistan's history is full of such anecdotes and lore about a substantial thriving community of Hindus and Sikhs who have called this...
The Decline of Afghanistan's Hindu And Sikh Communities
Hidden in plain sight, on a poorly lit busy road, the exteriors of the Asmayee temple are deceiving - a plain, old building that could easily be confused for any other building in Kabul. In contrast, the mosque next door stands out with its beautiful, intricate architecture. The call for evening prayers from the mosque intertwines with the sounds of the Hindu chants resonating from within the halls of the temple. Several finely dressed, middle-aged women, move in and out of the many rooms of the vast temple complex, offering prayers and lighting candles. There are seven rooms built in a circle that serve as the temple for the various Hindu goddesses and gods, and one expansive hall, colourfully decorated and covered in Persian carpets, that serves as the community prayer room. The women celebrate separately from the men. There is also a separate dining hall and community kitchen for the men and women who come to the temple. Ramnath, 25, explains that "this is because the culture among Afghan Hindus is predominantly Pashtun". Over the years, Hinduism in Afghanistansurvived and thrived in Pashtun-dominant provinces, resulting in a confluence of cultures that combines practices and rituals of the region. "If you go up the hill, there is another small temple of the Sherawali," says Ramnath, referring to the Hindu goddess Durga by one of her many names. "It was said that years ago, a white river of milk flowed down from the foot of the statue of the goddess to Kabul. This is how this place got its name joy-e-sheer, which translates to 'stream of milk' from Dari," Ramnath tells as the men gather quietly in one of the rooms over a cup of tea. Ramnath, like many Afghans, only uses one name. "Of course, those are reminiscent tales of the past. Who can tell how much of that legend is true?" he adds. A history of diversity and repression Afghanistan's history is full of such anecdotes and lore about a substantial thriving community of Hindus and Sikhs who have called this...
Sabawoon Showcase: Technical and Vocational Trainings for Women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
December 28, 2016, Peshawar: The latest episode of Sabawoon[i], flagship radio program of Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), focused on the technical and vocational training for women in KP and FATA. The key discussion points included availability of technical and vocational trainings for women in KP and FATA, importance of such trainings in capacity building, support from civil society organizations, and linkages with local and national markets. The program was aired under the theme of Jwandai Jazbey (living spirits) on Wednesday. Ms. Zeenat Bibi, Communication Executive Technology Up-gradation and Skill Development Company (TUESDEC) Peshawar, participated as the studio. A radio report reviewed the condition of technical training for women in the rural areas of KP. Ms. Zeenat Bibi said: “Trainings and capacity building will not be enough to empower women. They should be given equal opportunities in society.” Sabawoon airs Monday through Thursday on FM-101.5 Peshawar & DI Khan 711 KHZ from 3:20 PM to 4:00 PM. [i] Sabawoon is a flagship radio program by CRSS in the KP/FATA region, designed to highlight local issues, and promote fundamental global values such as women’s rights, rule of law, equal citizenry, democracy, governance and accountability. It airs four times a week, under four themes. On Monday, Jarga Marrakka covers current affairs and issues, coupled with government and other senior officials. On Tuesday, Da Semi Jaaj gives a holistic regional overview of the most important stories across the length and breadth of KP/FATA. On Wednesday, Jwandai Jazbey covers issues most important to youth, students and females. Finally, on Thursday, Ranra covers social issues that have a cultural angle and/or impact.
CHINA WATCH [27 DECEMBER-2 JANUARY] CHINA-PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR (CPEC) EXPANDED
The inclusion of new development projects in the CPEC by China and Pakistan was the leading story this week. China has blocked India’s move to add the head of Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) to a UN Security Council blacklist. Pakistan, China and Russia held the third round of tripartite consultations on Afghan conflict in Moscow. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif inaugurated the 340 megawatt Chashma-III nuclear power plant. Minister for Planning, Development and Reforms, Ahsan Iqbal, has said that $30 billion projects had been implemented under the CPEC. CPEC Expanded: During the sixth meeting of Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) of CPEC, China and Pakistan have agreed to include some new development projects in the multi-billion dollar venture. These projects are: Karachi Circular Railways, Keti Bandar project and Special Economic Zone in Sindh.[1] The JCC also approved to make three more infrastructure projects part of the CPEC[2] thus bringing China’s total contribution to the corridor-related road projects to Rs.1.025 trillion so far.[3] These road projects fall on the western route and include 280 kilometer Raikot- Thakot road (Rs8 billion), 210km Yarik- Zhob dual carriageway (Rs80 billion) and 110km Basima- Khuzdar road (Rs19.76 billion). It is noteworthy that this JCC meeting was attended by the Chief Minsters of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh, Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan. This development in itself will boost the provincial consensus over CPEC projects that has been missing for so long. India’s Bid Blocked: China has blocked India’s bid to add the head of Pakistan-based militant group Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), Masood Azhar, to a UN Security Council blacklist of groups linked to al Qaeda.[4] India has accused JeM leader of orchestrating several attacks in India including the Pathankot attack in January last. However Pakistan has found no evidence linking him to attacks in India. China had put the hold on move initially in April. Meanwhile, India maintains that it will...
Combating Corruption in Afghan Defense and Security Sector
Research from Transparency International shows that Afghanistan’s defense and security institutions remain at a very high risk of corruption and that this has severely impacted their ability to provide the level of security and government legitimacy that is so urgently needed. Personnel management, appointments and promotions, procurement and logistics of both soldiers and policemen are heavily affected by both petty and major corruption. The presence of ghost personnel within the army, police and intelligence services have become a serious concern for the Afghan people and the international community. Despite recent efforts by the Afghan President, corruption in procurement and the leakage caused by corrupt practices within security and defense sector institutions poses an existential threat to the Afghan state. On the eve of the Warsaw Summit, this policy brief will analyze the major factors contributing to corruption in the security and defense sector’s institutions. It will also outline the successes and failures by the Afghan Government to overcome these problems. The paper will close with recommendations to stakeholders. SITUATION ANALYSIS According to the National Corruption Survey by Integrity Watch, 45% of Afghans identified insecurity as the biggest problem facing the Afghan government while 18 percent of those surveyed identified corruption and another 18 percent unemployment as the biggest problem. Insecurity is the result of several factors. However, from an anti-corruption perspective, the sources of insecurity in Afghanistan include corruption in the police, army, and justice sectors perpetuated by illegal mining, narcotics trade, and money laundering facilitated by the Hawala system. These six factors are tied together in a vicious circle where one feeds into another and vice-versa. In the following sections, the nature and relations of this web of factors is analyzed. To begin with, a lack of robust human resource management has resulted in a huge...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.