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Time to Stop Meddling In Afghanistan
External powers need to involve Afghanistan in discussions, rather than interfering in the country’s affairs from afar. On December 27, 1979 Russian forces invaded Afghanistan through a direct military intervention, commencing a disastrous epoch of Afghan history. Exactly 37 years later, Russia was once again meddling in Afghan affairs by hosting a trilateral meeting involving China and Pakistan in Moscow on December 27, 2016. The aim was to discuss Afghan security issues, but Kabul was neither invited nor consulted. Since the first intervention to this day, Afghanistan has been a physical battlefield for a number of enemies: the United States versus Russia, India versus Pakistan, and Iran versus Saudi Arabia. China, the latest addition to the list, is also pursuing its regional economic and political interests. Turkey, too, has joined in, supporting Uzbek ethnic groups based in Northern Afghanistan in a bid to expand its influence. No doubt there have been ups and downs in terms of benefits for the interfering nations; but the only consistent loser has been Afghanistan itself. The country has suffered the collapse of its social, economic, and physical infrastructure, lost over two million human beings, and has inherited over 800,000 disabled people while millions more Afghans are living as refugees. The post 9/11 intervention of international community under the auspices of United Nations (UN) brought hope that Afghanistan could return to normalcy, reconstruction, and economic development. Afghans started thinking about taking a sigh of relief after more than two decades of destruction. However, once again, regional neighbors started intruding into Afghan affairs through their proxies. The interfering countries have used different pretexts to pursue their agendas in the country. The Soviet Union intervened in 1979 in a bid to further its regional presence under the guise of supporting the Afghan Communist government against insurgency. At the same time, Pakistan...
Surge of Migration Makes Hunger Crisis Worse in Afghanistan
More than 9 million people in Afghanistan are in need of humanitarian assistance in 2017. The number of people facing hunger is of particular concern, the U.N. has warned. Some 1.8 million people are acutely malnourished – 1.3 million are children under 5 years old. “Afghanistan’s nutrition situation continues to be negatively impacted by the conflict and decades of underdevelopment, despite enhanced efforts by government and partners,” according to the Afghan Humanitarian Needs Overview by the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). “Children under the age of five and pregnant and lactating women continue to bear the brunt of Afghanistan’s nutrition crisis.” A combination of continued fighting, increased displacement and the return of some 600,000 refugees from neighboring Pakistan fuel the ongoing crisis. The number of people in need of humanitarian assistance rose by 13 percent due in large part to ‘unprecedented’ levels of displacement, according to the report. Displacement accelerated at the end of the year reaching a record high of 500,000 people in November. The rapid pace of people leaving their homes and refugees returning to the country continues into this year. Afghanistan’s government is struggling to keep up with the needs following the draw-down of U.S. troops in 2015 and the ensuing collapse of the economy in mid-2016. At least 100,000 transport jobs were lost, found the U.S. Special Investigator General for Afghanistan Reconstruction. The sector alone is responsible for about 22 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. Combined with job losses in the important construction industry, the economy suffered a major blow. It means that Afghanistan must rely heavily on the international community to support people in need. “Economic development in Afghanistan requires more than aid, technical advice, training programs, subsidies, and trade fairs,” according to the report. “It requires more than plunking down new projects...
The Battle Between Law And Force: Scattered Political Power and Deteriorating Security Test Herat’s Dynamism
Herat – the affluent and vibrant city in western Afghanistan – is going through a ‘scattering’ of political power and a deterioration in security. While Ismail Khan, the self-styled ‘amir of the west’, is still the preeminent figure, political power is no longer concentrated only in his hands, and the new actors are behaving differently from the old-timers. One consequence of this is that security has worsened, with several districts seeing heavy clashes between Afghan government forces and the armed opposition – mostly the Taleban – and between rival Taleban factions. In Herat city, insecurity has taken on a largely criminal face as manifested in assassinations, kidnappings and thefts. Reviewing the recent situation, AAN guest author Said Reza Kazemi* argues that the diffusion of political power and deteriorating security pose a crucial test to the vibrancy of Herat and this, in turn, is reflected in the day-to-day life of its people and their striving for the future. Struggling to keep centre stage: the ‘amir’ of the west’ One still cannot write about Herat without mentioning its self-proclaimed amir, Ismail Khan. He has risen from a captain in the government army (from which he defected in 1979 to join an anti-communist uprising) to mujahedin commander to governor of Herat and self-declared ‘amir’ of what historically was called the southwestern region (1992 to 1994 and again, 2002 to 2004) to the Minister of Energy and Water to a vice-presidential candidate in the hugely disputed 2014 presidential elections. A prominent member of the influential Jamiat-e Islami party and of the political opposition group Shura-ye Herasat wa Sobat-e Afghanistan (Council for Protection and Stability of Afghanistan or CPSA0, Ismail Khan currently has no government position. He does not appear on the media much, either. However, there are two specific days in the year when he can always be seen talking to the people around him and to the media: 24 Hut (15 March), the anniversary...
A New Beginning in Sight?
Following the telephonic conversation between the Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and the Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa, commander of the US-led Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, General John W Nicholson’s visit to Pakistan and North Waziristan underscores the beginning of a new phase in the Pak-Afghan relations against an extremely embittered backdrop; Pakistan’s military establishment remains wary of the Indian influence in Afghanistan. It believes both the Afghans and the Washington view it through the Indian prism. The establishment also feels uncomfortable when Afghan leaders insist on a land-route through Pakistan for India to access Afghan and Central Asian markets. Pakistanis are also insisting on a cross-border mechanism to check illegal flow of goods and people through the 2560km border. General Bajwa reiterated the desire for a bilateral security mechanism in his meeting with General Nicholson, conveying Pakistan’s fixation on the issue. The Afghan leadership, however divided on some key issues internally, on the other hand, hope that General Bajwa and General Naveed Mukhtar, the new ISI chief, may mark a new beginning in the bilateral relations. Their hopes are tied to “conclusive action” against all Afghan Taliban factions. In fact, most of the Afghan discourse focuses on Haqqanis and the “Quetta Shura” as the ultimate panacea for all the ills of their country. They remain wary of the clumsy way Pakistan handled the refugee’s repatriation issue, epitomised by the return to Afghanistan of the National Geographic famed Ms Sharbat Gulla. Her return was preceded by a lot of controversy and the public pressure forced the Pakistani authorities also to approach and tell her she could stay on here. But poorly thought-through, short-sighted administrative measures had already done the damage and given birth to countless negative stories on the way police and bureaucracy treated the Afghan refugees, even those born in Pakistan. Following a...
Sabawoon Showcase: The Conditions of Education in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
January 09, 2017, Peshawar: The latest episode of Sabawoon[i], flagship radio program of the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), discussed the current conditions of education in FATA. The discussion themes included impact of militancy and war on terror on education in FATA, lack of basic facilities in schools, enrollment campaigns, problems of teachers, absence of transparency and accountability in the education department of FATA, and the role of FATA Directorate in promoting education. The program was aired under the theme of Jarga Marrakka (debate and council) on Monday. Mr. Hashem Khan, Director FATA Education Directorate Peshawar, and Mr. Dast Ali Khan, President All FATA Teachers Association Peshawar, were the studio guests. A radio report was also included in the program. It shared data on the education sector of FATA and the role of FATA Secretariat and non-governmental organizations in the reconstruction of schools. Twelve callers took live part in the program. They urged the government to focus on the promotion of education in FATA as the region was highly affected by militancy and government apathy. Mr. Khan echoed the same views and noted that rehabilitation of education system in FATA should be one of the government’s priorities. Sabawoon airs Monday through Thursday on FM-101.5 Peshawar & DI Khan 711 KHZ from 3:20 PM to 4:00 PM. [i] Sabawoon is a flagship radio program by CRSS in the KP/FATA region, designed to highlight local issues, and promote fundamental global values such as women’s rights, rule of law, equal citizenry, democracy, governance and accountability. It airs four times a week, under four themes. On Monday, Jarga Marrakka covers current affairs and issues, coupled with government and other senior officials. On Tuesday, Da Semi Jaaj gives a holistic regional overview of the most important stories across the length and breadth of KP/FATA. On Wednesday, Jwandai Jazbey covers issues most important to youth, students...
Ghani Urges Islamic Countries to Help Bring Peace
Afghan President Ashraf Ghani has said that Afghans across the board want peace and that Islamic countries should put pressure on extremist groups to join the peace process. Speaking to Asharq al-Awsat – an Arab newspaper – Ghani said it was important for Taliban to separate itself from terrorist groups that pose a threat to Islamic nations. “We hope that Islamic countries, including Saudi Arabia, exert pressure on extremist leaders to push them toward reconciliation,” he said. Ghani also said that Afghanistan had strong relations with Saudi Arabia describing them as strong and essential. He said Afghanistan has good ties with other Islamic countries, including the United Arab Emirates. On Pakistan he said Pakistan’s best interest lies with the Afghan government. On Daesh he said the group was a threat to the entire region. “Unfortunately, when you look at the history of these groups you see that each lifespan is on average between 20 to 40 years and we need a minimum of 20 years to stop them,” Ghani said. “Are you concerned regarding foreign interventions in Afghanistan’s internal affairs?” asked the newspaper. In answer Ghani said: “Millions of Afghans resorted to neighboring countries at the beginning of the crisis and some moved to different cities in Afghanistan. By the end of 2016, one million Afghans returned to their country and we welcomed them.” He said: “Unfortunately, some countries differentiate between a good and a bad terrorist – those who conduct operations outside their countries are good terrorists and vice versa.” This article originally appeared on www.tolonews.com, January 10, 2017. Original link. Disclaimer: Views expressed in the article are not necessarily supported by CRSS.
Afghanistan Struggles to Absorb Wave of Returnees from Pakistan
A breakdown in Afghanistan’s relationship with Pakistan has driven a flood of Afghans living there to return, severely straining their war-ravaged homeland’s resources just as it is experiencing an escalation of violence. Many of last year’s more than 600,000 returnees had lived in Pakistan for decades as refugees, both documented and undocumented, and have few local connections to assist in their resettlement. The pressure on aid organizations—also dealing with more than half a million Afghans displaced internally by fighting in 2016—has left many returnees facing the harsh winter without any financial assistance. “This government hasn’t even given me a glass of cold water,” said Maghfourullah Khadem, part of a community of about 350 families trying to make a fresh start in tents on a barren plot in Barekab, a village on the northern edge of Kabul province. The influx of people to informal settlements outside major cities is causing living costs to soar while depressing the labor market. And the United Nations and other agencies are expecting similar numbers this year. “The refugees are a humanitarian issue and should not be linked to politics,” said Hafiz Ahmad Miakhel, an adviser at the Afghan Ministry of Refugees and Repatriations. “But unfortunately sometimes our countrymen become the victims of political issues.” Ties between Afghanistan and Pakistan have been troubled for a long time. The exodus, however, follows the collapse in early 2016 of a joint effort to start peace talks with the Taliban and a series of high-profile terror attacks in both countries. Kabul accuses Pakistan of nurturing the Taliban, allowing its leaders to live openly in cities like Quetta and offering its fighters medical treatment and shelter across the border. Islamabad denies the charge and similarly blames Afghanistan for terror attacks on Pakistani soil. In June, Pakistan introduced strict controls at the Torkham border crossing, choking off an important economic artery for...
In Afghanistan, Putin Courts China In Search of ‘Another Syria’
A Russia-led initiative involving China and Pakistan that seeks a political settlement to Afghanistan’s civil war has the makings of a diplomatic alliance that could supplant the United States as the leading power in Central Asia. The grouping was unveiled after a third meeting in Moscow late last month and may be expanded to include regional powers Iran and Turkey, which formed a separate tripartite grouping on Syria with Russia in talks preceding the parleys on Afghanistan. The Afghan government reacted angrily to the Moscow meeting, to which it had not been invited, because the meeting proposed the relaxation of UN restrictions on the movement of key Taliban figures involved in pre-dialogue negotiations. This contradicted Kabul’s call in November for the UN to blacklist Taliban chief Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada because of his refusal to enter peace talks. Instead, the tripartite talks in Moscow echoed one of two Taliban preconditions for dialogue with Kabul, reiterated by spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid earlier in December. The other condition is the withdrawal of US-led Nato forces from Afghanistan. “This is a focused attempt to deal with the aftermath of Western withdrawal from Afghanistan and an opportunity that Russia senses might have opened up for itself in Central Asia. After West Asia, it’s Central Asia where [Russian President Vladimir] Putin feels he can reassert Russian authority and China is happy to provide a helping hand,” said Harsh V. Pant, a professor of international relations at King’s College London. “However, if we take the Indo-Pacific strategic landscape, there China is the leader and Russia will have to follow China’s lead.” The emerging quid pro quo between Moscow and Beijing comes amid uncertainty over whether US president-elect Donald Trump will endorse an agreement reached last July by leaders of the Atlantic alliance to extend financial and military support to the Afghan security forces until the end of 2020. Since Trump’s election...
The Rise of Religious Extremism in Balochistan
Religious extremism is on the rise in Balochistan. Several factors are driving this, but undoubtedly one concerns Balochistan’s northern regions, specifically Zhob district, which adjoins the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Following Operation Zarb-i-Azb in Fata, Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) fighters and other banned religious outfits penetrated deep inside Balochistan, where they are reportedly regrouping. As a result, Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan, has been witnessing deadly assaults. A case in point is the August bombing at Quetta Civil Hospital, which killed more than 70 people, the majority of them lawyers. This was followed in October by an attack on the Police Training College (PTC), involving heavily armed militants. More than 60 police cadets were killed. ISIS has claimed credit for both attacks. Yet another act of terrorism took place the following month in Khuzdar District of Balochistan at Sufi Shrine of Shah Norani, where more than 50 pilgrims were killed. Again, ISIS claimed responsibility. This marked the third major attack carried out by ISIS in Balochistan in three months. It was an ominous development for Pakistan, and one that sent shockwaves around the world. In the past, Pakistani authorities have flatly denied ISIS had a presence in their country, and in Balochistan in particular. While working on a piece for The Diplomat, “Can ISIS Gain a Foothold in Balochistan?” I still remember how a senior Quetta based senior police official airily dismissed a question I put to him about whether ISIS could gain a foothold in Balochistan. However, as I argued in my piece, “there is growing evidence that it is trying to do just that.” Government officials have claimed that the assault on the Police Training College was carried out by the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) Al Alami, an offshoot of the banned LeJ. According to Balochistan Home Minister Mir Sarfaraz Bugti, “The attack was carried out by LeJ AL Almai originally, despite...
CHINA WATCH [JANUARY 3-9] CHINA-PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR (CPEC) PROJECTS
Minister for Planning, Development and Reforms, Ahsan Iqbal, has said that energy projects under CPEC would be operational by 2017 and 2018. Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), Pervez Khattak expressed his satisfaction with the outcome of deliberations at the Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) meeting in Beijing. China has responded to India’s criticism of Beijing’s blocking of UN Security Council’s move against Masood Azhar and warned that it will not ‘sit still’ if India goes too far in its arms race against Pakistan. The group of three chambers of commerce and industry termed as “golden industrial triangle” has expressed serious reservations against the plans of setting up industrial units along the CPEC route. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has urged that the fruits of CPEC should be equitably distributed among all the federating units. CPEC Projects: Minister for Planning, Development and Reforms, Ahsan Iqbal, has said that energy projects with cumulative capacity of about 5,000 megawatts under CPEC would be operational by 2018.[1] Under the CPEC agreement, it was agreed between China and Pakistan that 8,810 MW of electricity would be produced by 2017 and 2018 through thermal, wind and solar power projects. But the minister noted that inter-ministerial disputes and inclusion of financially unviable projects in CPEC have retarded the achievement of this target. On the other hand, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif asked the officials concerned to include in the CPEC non-controversial hydro-electric power projects to be set up on the Indus.[2] Energy-related projects sits at the core of CPEC and are intended to help Pakistan overcome its acute energy shortages. Provincial Consensus: Chief Minister of KP, Pervez Khattak has said that he was satisfied with the outcome of deliberations at the last JCC meeting in Beijing.[3] He also noted that three major development projects will be launched in the province under CPEC. These projects include generation of 1,700...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.