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Sabawoon Showcase – February 13, 2017
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) Reforms Bill and its Merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) The latest episode of Jarga Maraka (debate and council) discussed the FATA reforms bill, merger of FATA with KP and the way forward for an independent province of FATA. Other points of discussion included the implementation of Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) and its negative impact on the people of FATA, grand Jirga of locals for reforms in FATA, stance of different political parties to mainstream FATA, referendum for FATA, merits and demerits of FATA as an independent province, peace and economic stability, available resources and its utilization, and prevailing conditions of education in the region. Mr. Iqbal Afridi, member of Executive Committee of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf and Mufti Ijaz, General Secretary Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F) FATA, were the in-studio guests while Mr. Shahab Uddin Khan, member of the National Assembly from Bajour Agency, shared his views through live call. Mr. Afridi said: “FATA should be merged with KP because there is no possibility of FATA becoming independent. Each agency is lying far away from the others. In such case, it is not possible to establish a central point wherefrom all agencies can be handled.” Mr. Ijaz said: “We should give FATA the status of an independent province so that its people have control over their own resources.” A radio report shared details of FATA grand alliance meeting that was held few days back in Islamabad. Five live callers participated in the show. They urged upon the federal government and legislators to streamline FATA and get rid of the draconian law of FCR. About Sabawoon Sabawoon airs in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It is designed to highlight the local issues and promote the fundamental governance values, such as democracy, rule of law, women’s rights, and equal citizenry. The show airs Monday through Thursday every week under four themes on FM-101.5...
Top U.S. General: ISIS is Losing Ground in Afghanistan
The Islamic State group in Afghanistan has lost considerable turf in the war-torn nation over the last year. The terrorist organization has fallen from a height of controlling 11 districts in Nangarhar province to just a few, according to Gen. John Nicholson, the U.S. commander overseeing operations in Afghanistan. Operating primarily out of southern Nangarhar province, ISIS’ primary goal has been the creation of a caliphate in Afghanistan, with Jalalabad as its capital. “This was their aspiration, but they failed to achieve it.” Nicholson told lawmakers on Capitol Hill on Thursday. Since authorities were granted to begin striking ISIS targets, the U.S. has conducted several major operations alongside Afghan forces, according to Nicholson. Those operations have had success pushing ISIS into only a small handful of districts and reducing their “geographic space,” he said. “We believe we've reduced their total end strength to less than 1,000 remaining in Afghanistan,” said Capt. William Salvin, a spokesman for the train, advise, assist mission in Afghanistan. However, ISIS is still a potent force with the ability to launch deadly suicide attacks in Kabul, Nicholson told senators. “They have attacked Shia targets, primarily. They attacked at a peaceful demonstration, they've attacked at Shia mosques, they've attacked on Shia religious holidays,” Nicholson explained. Further complicating efforts to combat Islamic State fighters in Afghanistan is the sudden involvement of Russia in the Afghan conflict. Claiming to support the Taliban as a counter to ISIS expansion in the region, Nicholson sees a more nefarious objective from the Kremlin. “I think it's to undermine the United States and NATO," Nicholson said when asked by Sen. David Perdue, R-Ga., about Russian intentions in the region. “This narrative that they promote is that the Taliban are fighting Islamic State and the Afghan government is not as fighting Islamic State and that therefore there could be spillover of...
The New Battle for Afghanistan
Despite questions about the ongoing war in Afghanistan, President Trump has so far chosen silence over substance. But perhaps it doesn’t matter, as an illuminating exchange that took place before the Senate Armed Services Committee last week all but guaranteed what his policy will be. Trump’s approach to Afghanistan will no doubt involve more American troops, more aggressive activity on the ground, and a less definite schedule for the withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces. In other words, don’t expect a big shakeup of the status quo. Perhaps the most notable change is that the military won’t try to have it both ways, keeping soldiers in the country while telegraphing meaningless “timetables” for an exit. This appears to be the result of letting those in uniform—or in the case of new Secretary of Defense James Mattis, the recently retired—make the tough calls. Mattis oversaw Afghanistan from 2010 to 2013 as the leader of U.S. Central Command, and he has already signaled he will not waver on the American commitment. The new homeland-security secretary, retired Marine Corps Gen. John Kelly, commanded forces in Iraq and also lost his son, a Marine who died while serving his third tour in Afghanistan; he, too, obviously feels there is unfinished business there. As for Congress, most members fall into one of two mindsets—unflinching resolve to increase the U.S. footprint, or resignation that there is no other way. And the president? While at first blush it might look like Trump only has the bandwidth for his oft-stated goal of “eradicating radical Islamic terrorism from the face of the earth,” his generals—with the help of the most hawkish senators on Capitol Hill—are making sure that Afghanistan is considered part of that fight. So it did not escape notice when Gen. John Nicholson, commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, packaged the mission as an urgent priority that ultimately Trump would have to embrace. Speaking to senators last week, Nicholson said staying in...
The New Battle for Afghanistan
Despite questions about the ongoing war in Afghanistan, President Trump has so far chosen silence over substance. But perhaps it doesn’t matter, as an illuminating exchange that took place before the Senate Armed Services Committee last week all but guaranteed what his policy will be. Trump’s approach to Afghanistan will no doubt involve more American troops, more aggressive activity on the ground, and a less definite schedule for the withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces. In other words, don’t expect a big shakeup of the status quo. Perhaps the most notable change is that the military won’t try to have it both ways, keeping soldiers in the country while telegraphing meaningless “timetables” for an exit. This appears to be the result of letting those in uniform—or in the case of new Secretary of Defense James Mattis, the recently retired—make the tough calls. Mattis oversaw Afghanistan from 2010 to 2013 as the leader of U.S. Central Command, and he has already signaled he will not waver on the American commitment. The new homeland-security secretary, retired Marine Corps Gen. John Kelly, commanded forces in Iraq and also lost his son, a Marine who died while serving his third tour in Afghanistan; he, too, obviously feels there is unfinished business there. As for Congress, most members fall into one of two mindsets—unflinching resolve to increase the U.S. footprint, or resignation that there is no other way. And the president? While at first blush it might look like Trump only has the bandwidth for his oft-stated goal of “eradicating radical Islamic terrorism from the face of the earth,” his generals—with the help of the most hawkish senators on Capitol Hill—are making sure that Afghanistan is considered part of that fight. So it did not escape notice when Gen. John Nicholson, commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, packaged the mission as an urgent priority that ultimately Trump would have to embrace. Speaking to senators last week, Nicholson said staying in...
Afghan Exodus: Afghan asylum seekers in Europe (1) – the changing situation
In 2016, Afghans remained the second-largest group both of migrants seeking protection in Europe and of those formally applying for asylum. Meanwhile, numbers of arrivals – both in general and in terms of Afghans – have dropped significantly, compared with the peak in late 2015, as European countries have since made getting, staying and integrating there more complicated. Numbers of asylum applications widely differed between European countries. Furthermore, the EU and individual member states put agreements in place with the Afghan government that allow “voluntary” and “enforced” returns of larger numbers of rejected asylum seekers. In this first part of a three-part dispatch, AAN’s co-director Thomas Ruttig looks at the latest figures and trends as well as changes in policy and social climate that impacted the situation for Afghan asylum seekers in Europe. This will be followed by an overview of the situation in a number of individual European countries (part 2) and a case study on Germany, the largest recipient country in Europe for refugees (part 3). The last part will also draw some conclusions. Overall figures The overall number of arriving migrants in Europe has dropped sharply in 2016. Arrivals from non-European countries of origin to Europe – ie the 28 EU member-countries (including brexiting UK) plus the four non-members (Norway, Switzerland, Iceland and Liechtenstein) – decreased from the 1,015,000 in the peak year of 2015 to close to over 362,000 in 2016, ie by two thirds. (These UNHCR figures – see a daily update here – only count those arriving across the Mediterranean, which is by far the most important entry route. There are no statistics about other routes where much smaller numbers of migrants can be assumed, for example through Russia.) Of these first time applicants from all countries of origin, Germany registered just under 63 per cent, almost the same percentage as in 2015 (more detail in part 3). It was followed by Sweden (11.8 per cent),...
CHINA WATCH [FEBRUARY 7- 13] CHINA BLOCKS MOVE AGAINST AZHAR
China blocked the move at the United Nations (UN) to sanction the head of Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), Masood Azhar. Pakistan has said that it supports China on all the major issues and opposes any attempt to undermine its sovereignty. The Senate Standing Committee on Communications raised the issue of the western route of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Around twelve energy generation projects will be completed by the end of 2018 under the early harvest projects of CPEC. Pakistan has decided to take a loan of $600 million from China. Beijing has revealed its plan of investing $24.8 billion to develop a highway network in its Xinjiang region for the purpose of improved connectivity with Pakistan. Three of China’s warships are part of the Pakistan Navy-led international exercise Aman-17 being held in the Arabian Sea. China Blocks Move against Azhar: China yet again blocked the move at the UN to sanction the head of Pakistan-based JeM, Masood Azhar.[1] The move was initiated by the United States and supported by the United Kingdom and France as an effort to show solidarity with India.[2] New Delhi has accused JeM and its leader of carrying out attacks on Indian territory and consequently ramped up its efforts to get the Azhar banned by the UN. However, China, most probably at the behest of Pakistan, has foiled the move time again. The move can remain in place for six months – extendable to three months – and can be converted into a block to dismiss the proposal altogether. In a protest against Beijing’s move, New Delhi soon issued a demarche to China.[3] Though China’s action has been primarily motivated by friendship with Pakistan, the efforts to protect the leader of a militant group have confounded analysts and world leaders. Support against Separatists: Pakistan has said that it supports China on all the major issues and opposes any attempt to undermine its sovereignty.[4] The assurance for support was made in a meeting between Special...
Sabawoon Showcase – February 09, 2017
Celebration of National Women’s Day in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The latest episode of Ranra (light) discussed the significance of National Women’s Day (NWD) and its celebrations in KP. Other points of discussion included contributions of women to socio-economic development, female rights and responsibilities, Swara, domestic violence, sexual harassment, early child marriages, lack of education, political and social awareness among women, and female entrepreneurships in KP. Moreover, the program also highlighted different challenges faced by the women in society. Two Peshawar based social activists, Ms. Saima Inayat and Mr. Maqsood Anwar, were the in-studio guests. Ms. Inayat said: “NWD is observed with an aim to show respect to women and highlight their valuable contributions. We need to educate our sisters in rural areas on priority basis about their rights given the rise in the cases of honor killings, domestic violence, Swara, and child marriages.” Mr. Maqsood said: “There is a lack of education and the religious and cultural limitations don’t allow a woman to live her life according to her own will. Though Islam stresses upon equal rights of both male and female, unfortunately religion is misinterpreted by some so-called religious clerics thus denying the women their basic rights.” A radio report shed light on the celebration of NWD in different parts of KP and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Two listeners participated live in the program. They discussed the importance of women’s participation in different walks of life and urged government to improve female education in FATA. About Sabawoon Sabawoon airs in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It is designed to highlight the local issues and promote the fundamental governance values, such as democracy, rule of law, women’s rights, and equal citizenry. The show airs Monday through Thursday every week under four themes on FM-101.5 Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan 711...
Afghanistan: An Area of Rivalry
As India tiptoes toward the six-nation conference on Afghanistan in Moscow on Wednesday — comprising Russia, China, India, Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan — a new process is beginning with regard to regional security. Quintessentially, a novel regional format is in the making. Kabul's participation in such a process will give it added international legitimacy. However, issues remain, which can be put into three clusters. At the most obvious level, it needs to be understood at the outset that India happens to be the odd man out in this proposed regional format. India is not quite there where the rest of the grouping has reached as regards perceptions regarding Taliban. The regional consensus — as indeed international consensus — is that Taliban's reconciliation, being an Afghan entity, is the key to an enduring settlement. Also, there is consensus that the prolongation of the war makes no sense, and the stalemate cannot be broken except through political means. All the other five countries participating in the Moscow meet maintain contacts with the Taliban in one way or another and they are willing to acknowledge it, too. India, therefore, needs a reality check: How long can it bury the head in the sand and insist on the imperative of waging a robust war against the Taliban when others tend to see the conflict more as fratricidal strife? Second, there is no gainsaying the fact that Pakistan has a key role to play in an enduring Afghan settlement. Even Iran, which has been at loggerheads with Pakistan over the Afghan situation, has harmonised its stance with Pakistan. Again, India is a solitary exception. From the second half of the nineties, India began viewing the Afghan situation in zero sum terms - although Taliban or the al-Qaeda operating out of Afghanistan — never perpetrated terrorist acts on Indian soil. Suffice it to say, India-Pakistan tensions today have become a significant complicating factor in reaching an Afghan settlement, and, arguably, that could...
Sabawoon Showcase – February 08, 2017
Raffia Qaseem Baig; The First Ever Lady Constable in Pakistan to Serve in the Bomb Disposal Unit (BDU) The latest episode of Jwandai Jazbey (living spirits) featured the first ever lady constable in Pakistan serving in the BDU of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) Police, Ms. Raffia Qaseem Baig. Ms. Baig said that she always had a great passion for joining air force, army or police. She preferred to join the KP Police in 2010 despite the availability of other opportunities. Being part of KP police, she has offered her services for the BDU, one of the riskiest units of policing. She said: “The inspiration behind joining the BDU of KP police was an incident that happened to me few years back. While I was taking a medical test as a requirement of recruitment process, a bomb went off causing many casualties and deaths. My mother got very scared. She advised me not to join the police but I told her that death is an unavoidable fact. One should believe in Allah only and offer services to bring a positive change in the society.” She discussed her experiences about the capacity building initiatives in KP Police. She said: “I have received the best training in police training school recently inaugurated by KP Police. I was really excited to see the training of how to manage the long range machine gun, anti-person mine, anti-tank mine, hand grenade, suicide bomb jackets etc. I learnt about explosives i.e. Trinitrotoluene (TNT), detonators, prim-cord etc. I am proud as a female for participating side by side with my male colleagues in every operation we have conducted so far.” She added that even if her physique was not so much suitable for working in BDU, she was still motivated enough to sacrifice her life for the sake of public safety. She recalled that once she visited the crime scene when a bomb went off on Warsak Road. Many people were astonished to see I didn’t have the special dress for disposing bomb. The reason is weight of the dress which is 75 kg and it is hard for a 50 Kg...
Hekmatyar taken off UN sanctions list: Paving the way for his return – and Hezb-e Islami’s reunification?
The United Nations has lifted the sanctions against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the leader of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan. This was the next step in the implementation of the peace agreement signed by the Afghan government and Hezb in September 2016. It paves the way for the return of the former mujahedin leader, one of the most contentious figures in recent Afghan history – a hero of the jihad according to supporters, a war criminal according to detractors. AAN’s co-director Thomas Ruttig follows up on earlier AAN analysis of the peace agreement, looks at what happens next and possible implications for Hekmatyar’s party (with input from Kate Clark, Fazal Muzhary and Ehsan Qaane). Over four months after the peace deal between the Afghan government and Hezb-e Islami was signed by President Ashraf Ghani and Hezb leader (amir) Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (who was not personally present but brought in via video link), the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has taken Hekmatyar off its sanctions list. A press release about this measure was published on 3 February 2017 (see the full text in the annex to this dispatch). Without it, the government would have been obliged to detain Hekmatyar if he came to Kabul openly. In the September 2016 agreement with Hezb-e Islami Afghanistan (HIA, Islamic Party of Afghanistan), the Afghan government had committed to take measures that would remove “all sanctions” against the leadership and members of Hezb as a prerequisite for its implementation. (Read earlier AAN analysis of the agreement and its possible repercussion. This stipulation in the agreement does not only refer to the now lifted UN sanctions. Hezb and/or Hekmatyar were also blacklisted by individual states and organisations such as the US, the UK and the European Union. (1) There have been no official statements, so far, by those sides on a changed status of Hezb or Hekmatyar. Until the agreement was signed, Hezb, after the Taleban, had been the second largest organisation...
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I am also a member of National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting. Recently, we held a meeting with the Director General of Radio Pakistan and we told them to initiate such local programs (like Constituency Hour) in regional languages to educate and inform people. Even Indian Radio can be heard in FATA which is being used for propaganda purposes and must be closed. Therefore, we should launch some standard and quality programs like CRSS that will change the taste of the listeners.